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Help Us Investigate Texas Border Security Initiatives

3 years ago

Texas has spent billions of state tax dollars on border security for nearly two decades. Last year, state lawmakers approved a budget that included an unprecedented $3 billion for such initiatives.

As the state puts more money into border security measures, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune are seeking to better understand how the funding is used, what the investment is accomplishing and how the initiatives affect border residents.

Hearing your experiences can help us shape our stories with your communities in mind and hold relevant institutions accountable. Please fill out this questionnaire if you are a border resident or if you’re familiar with how border operations are run.

We appreciate you sharing your story and we take your privacy seriously. We are gathering these stories for the purposes of our reporting, and will contact you if we wish to publish any part of your story.

We are the only ones reading what you submit. If you’d rather use an encrypted app, such as Signal, see advice on secure ways to reach us at propublica.org/tips. Lomi Kriel’s Signal is 832-729-3421, and Perla Trevizo’s is 512-574-4823. You may also email Kriel at lomi.kriel@propublica.org or Trevizo at perla.trevizo@propublica.org.

by Jessica Priest, Lomi Kriel and Perla Trevizo

Texas’ Governor Brags About His Border Initiative. The Data Doesn’t Back Him Up.

3 years ago

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Border Updates to be notified when we publish stories about immigration and the U.S. border.

This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans, and with The Marshall Project, a nonprofit news organization covering the U.S. criminal justice system. Sign up for newsletters from The Texas Tribune and The Marshall Project.

Thomas King-Randall had been waiting for two hours to drop his daughters off at his ex-girlfriend’s apartment in Midland, Texas. It was 10:30 on a school night in August and it was her turn to care for the two girls.

The ex-girlfriend showed up drunk and was arguing with her new boyfriend in his truck, police later wrote in a report. King-Randall, who is Black, said in an interview that the woman’s Latino boyfriend called him a racial slur, which led to a fight.

By the end of the encounter, the woman’s boyfriend had a bloody nose and swollen eyes. King-Randall was gone, and local police issued an arrest warrant for the 26-year-old California native. A month later, Texas Department of Public Safety officers arrested King-Randall when he tried to renew his driver’s license.

King-Randall’s arrest was one of thousands used to bolster claims of success for Operation Lone Star. Texas Gov. Greg Abbott launched the initiative last March, citing an urgent need to stop the flow of drugs and undocumented immigrants into the state through Mexico.

But the alleged assault had nothing to do with the border. King-Randall, a U.S. citizen, was arrested more than 250 miles from the border with Mexico. Neither DPS nor the Texas Military Department, the state agencies carrying out Operation Lone Star, played a role in the investigation. And the family violence assault charge King-Randall faced wasn’t linked to border-related crime or illegal immigration.

Operation Lone Star has helped increase the state’s budget for border security to more than $3 billion through 2023 by deploying thousands of DPS troopers and National Guard members and allocating funding to build border barriers. As part of the operation, troopers are also arresting some immigrant men crossing into the U.S. on state criminal trespassing charges.

Abbott and DPS have repeatedly boasted in news conferences, on social media and during interviews on Fox News that the border operation has disrupted drug and human smuggling networks. A year into the operation, officials touted more than 11,000 criminal arrests, drug seizures that amount to millions of “lethal doses” and the referrals of tens of thousands of unauthorized immigrants to the federal government for deportation as signs that the program is effective.

But the state’s claim of success has been based on shifting metrics that included crimes with no connection to the border, work conducted by troopers stationed in targeted counties prior to the operation, and arrest and drug seizure efforts that do not clearly distinguish DPS’s role from that of other agencies, an investigation by ProPublica, The Texas Tribune and The Marshall Project found.

King-Randall’s charges were among more than 2,000, including some for cockfighting, sexual assault and stalking, that the agency stopped counting toward Operation Lone Star more than nine months into the exercise, after the news organizations began raising questions about the ties between the arrests and border security. Of those, about 270 charges were for violent crimes, which are defined by the FBI as murder, manslaughter, rape, robbery and aggravated assault.

King-Randall said in an interview that he was fighting the allegations. The case is pending, according to the Midland County district attorney’s office.

Claiming such arrests is “inherently flawed” and misrepresents the accomplishments of the operation, said Patrick O’Burke, a law enforcement consultant and a former DPS commander who retired in 2008.

“The problem could be simply related to crimes in those communities,” O’Burke said. “It’s not battling cross-border crime.”

Operation Lone Star Arrests Extend Beyond the Border

Texas officials have expanded the number of counties from which they report arrests and charges related to Operation Lone Star, including counties far from the border that do not benefit from the operation’s additional resources.

Source: Analysis of Texas Department of Public Safety data, public statements and emails. Data as of January 2022. (Andrew Rodriguez Calderón and David Eads, The Marshall Project, José Luis Martínez, Texas Tribune)

Asked by the news organizations why such charges were not excluded from the operation’s metrics at the start, DPS officials said they are continuously improving how they collect and report the data “to better reflect the mission” of securing the border. The governor’s office maintained that “dangerous individuals, deadly drugs, and other illegal contraband have been taken off our streets or prevented from entering the State of Texas altogether thanks to the men and women of Operation Lone Star.”

But DPS and Abbott have provided little proof to substantiate such statements. A year into the initiative, Abbott, DPS and the Texas Military Department have fought two dozen public records requests from the news organizations that would provide a clearer picture of the operation’s accomplishments.

DPS, the only agency to release some records related to Operation Lone Star’s results, has made several significant revisions to the arrest data, including removing charges. The agency did not provide details that would help determine how the cases that remained are connected to the initiative’s goal of deterring border-related crime. The agency also failed to identify arrests and drug seizures that could have occurred without the additional personnel made available through the operation.

The absence of clear metrics for measuring its accomplishments points to a larger problem with the border operation and more than a dozen others launched by the state’s two governors during the past 17 years. Lawmakers have repeatedly increased state funding for border security while providing minimal oversight of the operations launched by Abbott and his predecessor, Gov. Rick Perry.

Over the years, some legislators have balked at state agencies’ calls for more accountability from border security efforts.

“It’s almost offensive to say, ‘What are the results?’” former state Rep. Dan Flynn, a Republican from East Texas, said during a hearing in 2018. At that hearing, the Texas Sunset Advisory Commission, which determines whether there’s a continuing need for state agencies and programs, raised concerns that DPS was not providing “sufficient information to the public and policymakers about the return on investment for border security.”

Texas, which shares a 1,200-mile border with Mexico, spends more money on border security than any other state. And at a cost to taxpayers of more than $2.5 million a week, Operation Lone Star is by far the most expensive of the state’s border operations, and the one with the broadest mandate and scope.

Concertina wire recently installed in Eagle Pass, Texas, by the National Guard as part of Operation Lone Star. (Verónica G. Cárdenas for ProPublica/The Texas Tribune)

In South Texas’ Rio Grande Valley, which was at the center of last year’s immigrant influx, Hidalgo County Judge Richard Cortez said he doesn’t know what Operation Lone Star has accomplished beyond “arresting people and making them criminals.”

Cortez said the problem is not criminal activity, but the sheer number of immigrants seeking better opportunities who sometimes attempt to cross into his community at once, straining resources and overwhelming Border Patrol. The solution, he said, is a comprehensive approach to address the reasons people are trying to come to the U.S. and provide more legal avenues to do so.

“We’re spending millions and billions of dollars in trying to manage something,” Cortez said about Operation Lone Star. “But instead of getting me the plumber to stop the leak, they’re sending me people to mop up the floor.”

Politics of Border Security

With DPS SUVs lined up behind him as if forming a wall, Abbott promoted his new initiative during a March 2021 news conference in Mission, a city in the Rio Grande Valley where more immigrants were crossing the border.

While federal officials started apprehending a greater number of immigrants during Donald Trump’s presidency, Abbott blamed newly inaugurated President Joe Biden for not doing enough to stem record levels of arrivals at the border.

During his first two months at the helm, Biden temporarily halted a policy that required people seeking asylum to wait in Mexico until their cases could be heard by U.S. immigration judges. A federal judge in Texas later ordered the administration to reinstate part of the policy. Under a Trump administration pandemic health order that Biden kept in place, more than three-fourths of immigrants apprehended at the border during that period were immediately turned away.

“If you were president in 2024, which some of us hope that you are, what’s the first thing that you would do to enact something down here?” asked a man in the crowd whom Abbott’s staff singled out for the final question.

“Secure the border. Period,” Abbott said.

Gov. Greg Abbott speaks to reporters at University Draft House in Edinburg, Texas. (Eddie Gaspar/The Texas Tribune)

With the presidential election in the distance, Abbott has made border security a cornerstone of his gubernatorial reelection campaign, playing offense against his primary opponents, attacking Biden and using the issue as a way to distinguish himself from his general election challenger, former U.S. Rep. Beto O’Rourke, a Democrat from the border city of El Paso.

The governor handily won the Republican primary early this month with Trump’s support. The former president’s success rallying the Republican base by pushing hard-line policies and promoting the construction of a border wall has become a model for Texas GOP candidates, who saw Trump make inroads with Latino voters in border counties in 2020.

The results emboldened Republicans, who doubled down on Trump’s rhetoric, pushing some of his more restrictive border measures, said James Henson, director of the Texas Politics Project at the University of Texas at Austin.

“It’s almost as if he gave permission for more straightforwardly nativist rhetoric, but he didn’t do that in a vacuum, certainly at least not here,” Henson said, pointing to anti-immigrant sentiment among Republican voters prior to Trump’s election.

In launching Operation Lone Star, Abbott went further than any other governor in recent history, attempting to curtail immigration by using state trespassing charges to directly target those who cross the border on private property.

Texas Department of Public Safety special agents apprehend five undocumented immigrants from Honduras who were caught on private property in Kinney County as part of Operation Lone Star. (Verónica G. Cárdenas for ProPublica/The Texas Tribune)

The federal government has sole authority to enforce immigration laws, but Abbott increased trespassing penalties under a declaration that gave him more power akin to what he would have after a natural disaster.

In June, the governor shifted the operation’s emphasis from the Rio Grande Valley, where political leaders opposed some of his efforts, to a vast rural region of mostly private ranches around Val Verde County, about 170 miles west of San Antonio. Trump won the county by a 10-point margin in 2020. Until this year, Val Verde and Kinney were the only two counties prosecuting people crossing into the country through private property for trespassing.

The misdemeanor charge, punishable by up to a year in jail, makes up about 40% of the operation’s arrests from mid-July to Jan. 27, an analysis by ProPublica, the Tribune and the Marshall Project found.

The governor’s office said the operation is based on facts, not politics, and is geared to provide “maximum assistance to the counties greatest affected.” But federal statistics show some of the counties in the Rio Grande Valley that DPS shifted additional resources away from were among those experiencing the greatest influx of immigrants and drugs.

Abbott’s Disaster Declaration Includes Counties Far From the Border

The number of counties participating in Gov. Greg Abbott’s disaster declaration, which included increasing penalties for state trespassing charges, has grown to 53 as of Feb. 22. Some are far from the border.

Source: Compiled from the governor’s declarations (Perla Trevizo, ProPublica/Texas Tribune, Andrew Rodriguez Calderón and David Eads, The Marshall Project, José Luis Martínez, Texas Tribune)

Command Sgt. Maj. Jason Featherston, a Texas Army National Guard veteran who helped oversee the guard’s deployment under the operation until his retirement in November, said he and his colleagues believed politics was the main driver for the mushrooming initiative. He said he recalls commanders saying things like, “We’re going back to the border, the governor is trying to get reelected.”

Federal and state Democratic lawmakers have urged investigations into the constitutionality of the trespassing arrests and the poor working conditions, pay delays and suicides among National Guard members assigned to Operation Lone Star, problems reported by the Tribune and the Army Times. And some state Democrats, led by the Mexican American Legislative Caucus, announced a task force early this month to investigate “many layers of grave concerns” about the operation, including alleged human rights violations and a lack of accountability. Abbott’s office has said the arrests and prosecutions under the operation “are fully constitutional.”

But the broader operation’s goals and results have received little scrutiny.

In July, DPS began counting toward Operation Lone Star a number of arrests and drug seizures from a 63-county region almost the size of Oregon that officials dubbed the area of interest. The area included counties that did not receive additional resources from the operation, and some of the newly credited actions included work already conducted by troopers stationed there before the governor’s initiative began.

Before then, DPS had been counting arrests and drug seizures from what the agency called the “more focused” area of operation, a smaller group of counties closer to the border.

The governor and DPS declined to answer questions about who ordered the change and whether all the counties in the larger area of interest received extra resources from the operation. DPS officials said the area of operation is fluid as the department is continuously monitoring the border and adjusting its use of resources as needed.

Abbott pointed to some of those arrests last year as he sought additional funding for border security efforts, bringing lawmakers back for a special legislative session. Abbott’s office received $1.3 billion of the $3 billion total, marking the first time that the governor’s allocation for border security was larger than that given to DPS.

Texas Department of Public Safety special agents monitor four undocumented immigrants from Honduras who were caught on private property in Kinney County. (Verónica G. Cárdenas for ProPublica/The Texas Tribune)

The growing share of border security funding managed by the governor’s office raises questions about transparency, said Eva DeLuna Castro, a budget analyst for the progressive think tank Every Texan. She said such spending is harder to track because the governor’s office doesn’t report its expenditures with the same level of detail as DPS.

While the governor’s office argues that the agencies it funds have to report spending, DeLuna Castro said some are not subject to such rules.

In January, after increasing the number of National Guard members at the border to 10,000, the governor and a handful of the state’s Republican leaders moved nearly half a billion dollars from DPS, the Texas Department of Criminal Justice and the Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission to help cover the increased costs.

“He’s just running up a tab that the Legislature, and taxpayers, will have to cover,” DeLuna Castro said.

Trouble With the Numbers

Fentanyl seizures have become shorthand for Operation Lone Star’s success.

Abbott repeatedly highlights them in press conferences and on social media, boasting that the state is helping to stop Biden’s “open border policies.” He has used seizures of the synthetic opioid, which is 100 times stronger than morphine, as a way to attack O’Rourke, who is challenging him in the November gubernatorial election.

At a February event in Austin before the primary election, Abbott’s campaign handed out pill bottles with a fake label that read “Beto Biden open border” and pointed to 1,334 Texas fentanyl deaths in 2021.

Inside was a mock warning label that credited the seizure of 887 pounds of fentanyl, or what he called more than 201 million deadly doses, to Operation Lone Star. Days later, Abbott repeated similar claims in a press release from the governor’s office.

The figure reflects seizures across the state and contradicts the number DPS has given for what is attributable to Operation Lone Star. About 160 pounds of fentanyl were seized from March 2021 to January 2022 in the regions that DPS uses when reporting metrics from the operation.

Abbott’s office defended using statewide seizure numbers, saying they are directly tied to Operation Lone Star because the drug generally enters from Mexico.

“DPS can’t always seize fentanyl right at the border; but they will not stop until they find it, even if it is in North Texas,” Nan Tolson, Abbott’s spokesperson, wrote in an email.

Including statewide seizures is “just disingenuous,” said O’Burke, the former DPS commander.

“Chicago has a border nexus. Are we going to count drugs that were seized in Chicago? That’s just not transparent,” he said. “It’s just not a measure of success. It’s just conflating these statistics because it makes the general public feel safer.”

Instead, O’Burke said, Operation Lone Star’s results should only count actions in which its added resources were used.

That number comes with its own caveats. All but 12 of the 160 pounds of fentanyl were captured in El Paso County, which was not one of the ones listed by DPS officials in November as receiving additional troopers and National Guard members from the operation. The county was one of several that declined to sign on to the governor’s border disaster declaration.

Fentanyl seizure claims are not the only example of the difficulty of measuring the return on investment for taxpayers.

DPS has a history of taking credit for work, such as drug seizures, carried out by other agencies. As part of the operation, DPS and Texas Military Department officials reported apprehending more than 200,000 migrants in the past year and referring them to the federal government for deportation. That included eight migrants who were caught rafting across the Rio Grande by DPS troopers, National Guard members and Border Patrol agents in November. But while DPS counted the immigrants it referred to Border Patrol as part of its reporting for Operation Lone Star, that same group may also have been included in the National Guard’s tally, meaning both agencies could be getting credit for the same arrests. The Texas Military Department did not answer questions about the case.

U.S. Customs and Border Protection declined multiple interview requests. Officials did say that the federal agency “does not have a role or partner in any way” with DPS on the operation and that they don’t track the state’s referrals.

DPS officials acknowledged in an interview that more than one agency could be taking credit for some of the same detentions because the Texas Military Department does not share with DPS the details of immigrants it refers to the federal government, and such data is not publicly available.

Featherston, the retired Texas Army National Guard senior enlisted adviser, said he believes immigrant apprehensions are “double counted.”

In another case, DPS posted on its Facebook page in September that it encountered more than 700 gang members as part of the operation. But officials declined requests to provide records detailing such arrests, saying gang affiliation “was not a metric the Department is tracking.”

And despite removing more than 2,000 charges from the arrest data credited to Operation Lone Star, DPS still includes other charges without explaining how they align with the operation’s goal of capturing dangerous criminals. (DPS disputed this characterization of the removed charges; a full explanation of our rebuttal is described in the methods section at the end of this piece.) In May, for example, troopers arrested a 20-year-old woman in Coke County, about 200 miles from the border in West Texas.

The woman was driving 9 mph over the speed limit in a no-passing zone on a rural highway. After troopers stopped her for speeding, they discovered a Ziploc bag with “loose leaf marijuana in the glovebox,” according to the arrest report.

The woman, who could not be reached for comment, does not appear to have a prior criminal record. The arrest report doesn’t note her immigration status. She was charged with possession of less than 2 ounces of marijuana.

“The whole reason for all this, you know, playing with statistics, is for optics so that the governor could get reelected. And so from that perspective, has it worked? Yes. It's worked for him,” said Gary Hale, a former chief of intelligence in Houston for the Drug Enforcement Administration who is now at Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy. “But what’s the net gain? I don’t think there’s any. Zero. We really haven’t had any significant impact on migrant smuggling or drug trafficking.”

A group of undocumented immigrants from Mexico are detained after Texas Department of Public Safety special agents caught them on private property in Kinney County as part of Operation Lone Star. (Verónica G. Cárdenas for ProPublica/The Texas Tribune) A Year Later

A year after Operation Lone Star launched, a panel of three Texas senators sought to better understand how to gauge the costly initiative’s accomplishments.

“What metrics are you using to measure success in terms of defining the arrests for which you’re responsible for, to make sure we’re using our DPS officers in an effective way?” state Sen. Juan “Chuy” Hinojosa, a Democrat from the border city of McAllen, asked DPS’ chief, Col. Steve McCraw, at a hearing on March 8.

Success could not be measured through arrest and seizure numbers alone, McCraw responded.

For the first time since the operation began, he offered a different metric: securing the border by stopping the flow of drugs and unauthorized immigrants in Texas’ 103 Border Patrol zones, one at a time. That is accomplished when each area has enough barriers, technology and law enforcement resources to “prevent transnational criminal activity,” according to DPS, which said it has met that goal in four zones that make up some parts of Hidalgo and Starr counties.

During the hearing, McCraw didn’t say how the agency knows it has secured a region. He also did not explain how DPS would be able to continue committing the resources needed to sustain that level of security. The senators didn’t ask.

“The challenge we have is when trying to decide what success looks like, is that if the numbers go up, do we claim success because we’re more efficient?” McCraw asked, adding that arrest and drug seizure statistics fluctuate. “You can’t have it both ways, you can’t be successful when the numbers go up and when the numbers go down.”

Since the start of the operation, DPS and Abbott have repeatedly touted success using arrests and drug seizure numbers. While continuing to cite the statistics, McCraw sought to minimize their significance, saying that what matters most is “not how much crime you’re enforcing. It’s the absence of it.”

By the end of that Senate hearing, lawmakers remained uncertain about the return on their multibillion-dollar investment.

“How do we know whether the amount of money was appropriate for what was needed?” state Sen. Bob Hall, a Republican from Rockwall, northeast of Dallas, asked the state’s financial analysts. “And how do we know when we’ve accomplished what we set out to do, so that we can figure out what to do next, other than just appropriate more money and then wonder what to do next?”

The question has plagued lawmakers since the first border security operation launched nearly two decades ago.

About the Data: How We Analyzed Criminal Charges Linked to Operation Lone Star The Data

Beginning in June 2021, reporters from The Marshall Project, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune began making records requests to the Texas Department of Public Safety for data on arrests and charges associated with Operation Lone Star. The department was responsive to those requests and provided information over the course of several months, though the format and contents of the files they sent changed over time in notable ways.

DPS sent us two data releases, one in July and another in August 2021, with records of arrests and charges associated with Operation Lone Star. Those releases came as separate files from three branches of DPS. However, in November, agency officials said that these records were incomplete, only capturing one of two broad border regions. In December, they then said they had retroactively started removing charges that did not “reflect the mission” of Operation Lone Star.

From November 2021 to January 2022, DPS sent three data snapshots, each of which the department said represented the totality of its records of Operation Lone Star charges and arrests at the time the files were created. This data was organized with each charge on its own row. An arrest can include multiple charges.

What We Found

DPS emphasized that it is continuously improving how it collects and reports data for Operation Lone Star. As such, we used the latest data snapshot, from January 2022, when describing the criminal charges that the agency attributes to the operation, including how many charges were related to trespassing and how the charges were distributed geographically.

We also examined the evolving nature of the department’s record-keeping by looking at changes between the data snapshots provided to us. In comparing the first and second complete data snapshots (one provided in November 2021, the other in December 2021), we found more than 2,000 charges that had been removed from the data.

Vetting Our Findings

DPS said that our approach did not account for the fact that “each spreadsheet represents an extract from a live database, and information is subject to change.” The agency stated that our analysis “assumes that any row that does not appear exactly the same in each spreadsheet can be described as either ‘added’ or ‘removed.’”

We did not require rows to match exactly when identifying charges preserved or removed. Rows were matched using arrest IDs and charge descriptions, and we looked only at charges from dates covered in both files. For about half of the more than 2,000 charges we identified as being removed from the data, the arrest IDs for these charges were not included in the later data snapshots — for example, Thomas King-Randall’s arrest only appears in the first snapshot. For the other half, the arrest ID did appear in later data snapshots, but with fewer charges associated with it. Additionally, looking only at the number of charges in each dataset, we observed that for arrests that occured in the same time period, there were fewer charges in later data snapshots than there had been in the earlier snapshot. DPS declined to answer questions about why particular cases were removed and declined to answer many of our specific questions about the dataset.

The constantly changing nature of the database is not unique to Operation Lone Star. Methods for comparing datasets are commonly used and actively studied. It is valid to analyze changes in such databases (with the appropriate caveats) and to describe them as additions or removals. DPS itself told reporters the department “identified offenses that should be removed” in a December 2021 email about changes to Operation Lone Star data collection.

Help Us Investigate Texas Border Security Initiatives

Jolie McCullough of The Texas Tribune contributed reporting.

by Lomi Kriel and Perla Trevizo, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune, and Andrew Rodriguez Calderón and Keri Blakinger, The Marshall Project

St. Jude Fights Donors’ Families in Court for Share of Estates

3 years ago

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Most Americans know St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital through television advertisements featuring Hollywood celebrities asking for contributions or the millions of fundraising appeals that regularly arrive in mailboxes across the country.

But a select group of potential donors is targeted in a more intimate way. Representatives of the hospital’s fundraising arm visit their homes; dine with them at local restaurants; send them personal notes and birthday cards; and schedule them for “love calls.”

What makes these potential donors so special? They told St. Jude they were considering leaving the hospital a substantial amount in their wills. Once the suggestion was made, specialized fundraisers set a singular goal: build relationships with the donors to make sure the money flows to the hospital after their deaths.

The intense cultivation of these donors is part of a strategy that has helped St. Jude establish what may be the most successful charitable bequest program in the country. In the most recent five-year period of reported financial results, bequests constituted $1.5 billion, or 20%, of the $7.5 billion St. Jude raised in those years. That amount, both in terms of dollars and as a percentage of fundraising, far outpaces that raised by other leading children’s hospitals and charities generally.

While a financial boon to St. Jude, the hospital’s pursuit has led to fraught disputes with donors’ family members and allegations that it goes too far in its quest for bequests.

St. Jude is a major research center with a 73-bed hospital in Memphis, Tennessee, that primarily treats kids from the Mid-South. Its bequest operation has a broad reach, with fundraisers based across the nation and a willingness to challenge families in court over the assets their loved ones leave behind. These battles can sometimes be lengthy and costly, spending donor money on litigation and diminishing inheritances. Family attorneys who specialize in such fights say that St. Jude can be especially aggressive, often pursuing cases all the way to state supreme courts.

“At the end of it, there is very little to hold on to feel good about,” said Vance Lanier, of Lafayette, Louisiana, who won a yearslong legal battle with St. Jude over his father’s estate but not before both sides spent heavily on the case.

“Think of all the fees for lawyers that didn’t go to St. Jude, not one child, not one cancer patient,” Lanier said. “Where is the sanity in all this?”

The nonprofit even courts those who aid in estate planning and drawing up wills, sponsoring conferences where attorneys, financial advisers and estate professionals gather. On at least one occasion it offered attendees a chance to win a golf trip.

The prospective donors wooed by St. Jude are often people like Nona Harris: elderly, childless women with substantial wealth. Harris notified the charity in 1996 that she was considering leaving it a bequest. St. Jude spent the next two decades cultivating Harris. An internal database, built to collect information on donors, tracked nearly 100 calls and other contacts between Harris and the charity’s fundraisers during that time — an average of almost once every two months. It also noted information Harris shared with fundraisers.

By the time she died in 2015, the charity knew just about everything there was to know about her. It knew about the health problems of her husband, J.D., from the medicines that he took to the heart defibrillator that needed to be replaced. St. Jude knew that J.D.’s mother died when he was 13 and that one of Nona’s relatives had a rare tongue cancer. It knew the couple owned a condominium in Tulsa, Oklahoma, and a ranch with cattle and horses in Kansas.

Most importantly, the charity knew the couple planned to leave their nearly $6 million estate to St. Jude. But Nona died before J.D., and after he changed his estate plan — reducing St. Jude’s payout by about $2.5 million — the charity went to court, triggering an expensive, drawn-out legal battle that pitted the hospital against several of J.D.’s family members.

A log maintained by fundraisers for St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital collected personal information about Nona Harris and her family. (Obtained by ProPublica)

Estate matters can be contentious, and many nonprofit organizations, including ProPublica, seek donations in people’s wills.

But St. Jude’s pursuit of such donations stands out. Bequests to St. Jude, as a percentage of total contributions, are more than double the national average of 9% as calculated by Giving USA.

And it receives more than other children’s hospitals that list bequest donations. Boston Children’s Hospital reported that estate and trust donations ranged from 3% to 6.5% annually during the three-year period of 2014 through 2016. Donations from estates to Children’s Hospital Colorado Foundation represents 3.5% of total giving at that hospital, according to its website. Nationwide Children’s Hospital in Columbus, Ohio, said its bequest giving was aligned with national benchmarks such as the 9% figure from Giving USA.

For such organizations, any decision about waging legal fights with family members often comes down to a public relations decision.

“A legal fight could mar the reputation of a charity,” said Elizabeth Carter, a law professor at Louisiana State University who specializes in estate planning. “A lot of charities decide it is just not worth it; we don’t need that bad press. Occasionally you will see them fighting it, but not often because of the bad PR that comes from it.”

In a statement issued through its fundraising arm, the American Lebanese Syrian Associated Charities, or ALSAC, St. Jude said its bequest program “operates with the highest ethical standards and with bequest program best practices like other large charities.”

But it declined to answer specific questions about its bequest program, including how many cases are in litigation, or to respond in detail to questions about individual cases in which it has contested wills.

In 2017, Fred Jones, the ALSAC lawyer who oversees bequest matters, told an Oklahoma court that the charity was involved in more than 100 legal fights over disputed estates. Jones said many of those involved other parties challenging an estate in which St. Jude had an interest, but that it did pursue legal action on its own in some cases. Jones said St. Jude received about 2,000 new bequests in the fiscal year ending June 30, 2017. In a statement, ALSAC said it litigates less than less than 1% of the thousands of estate donations that it receives.

Jones told the court that neither St. Jude nor ALSAC “is in the business of trying cases,” in part because such efforts are funded with donations for the treatment of sick children. As a result, Jones said, St. Jude only initiates cases in which due diligence reveals substantial evidence to support a claim. “In effect, we’re using donor dollars — which we very carefully protect — in those cases where we believe that there has been a curtailment of the donor's actual intent,” he said. Jones did not respond to a request for comment. St. Jude declined to provide further details on the use of donor funds to pay legal costs. In some jurisdictions, courts allow winning parties in a case to seek legal fees from the losing side and legal costs are sometimes reimbursed as part of settlement agreements.

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To make the case that estate proceeds should go to St. Jude, the charity sometimes argues that relatives are not entitled to any proceeds from their family’s estates.

“Where I think the line is crossed is when they promote the disinheritance of children or families,” said Cary Colt Payne, a Las Vegas attorney representing a son who is battling St. Jude over his father’s estate.

In its statement, ALSAC said ProPublica’s reporting on bequests was “highly selective and flawed as it focused on a small handful of contested cases over several years out of the many types of these donations received each year. These contested estate matters often cover complex and sensitive family matters, include multiple charities, and involve local lawyers advising ALSAC/St. Jude.”

St. Jude’s responsibility, according to the statement, is “to carry out the clear written intent of a donor, typically stated in a written will or trust drafted by an independent lawyer, most often witnessed and notarized. These are beautiful legacy gifts with enduring impact, enabling us to remain focused on our mission: Finding cures. Saving children.”

(Isabel Seliger, special to ProPublica) “Love Calls”

St. Jude, founded by the entertainer Danny Thomas, makes a unique promise as part of its fundraising: “Families never receive a bill from St. Jude for treatment, travel, housing or food — because all a family should worry about is helping their child live.”

That pledge, and the ubiquitous appeals for donations that accompany it, has helped St. Jude become the country’s largest health care charity. Recent years have seen record-breaking fundraising gains. The hospital raises so much money that between 2016 and 2020, it annually steered an average of $400 million into a growing reserve fund that totaled $5.2 billion as of June 30, 2020 — the most recent figures publicly available.

To raise money, St. Jude depends on the related nonprofit ALSAC, which conducts the hospital’s fundraising and awareness campaigns.

ALSAC’s interactions with Nona Harris provide a window into the techniques used by the charity to encourage bequests and cultivate those who express an interest in making them.

In January 1996, Nona called St. Jude to let the hospital know she was considering making a large bequest, which at that time she said could be up to $500,000.

Phone calls from potential donors like Harris are just one of the ways ALSAC learns of potential bequests. Other times, the hospital is alerted by a financial planner or estate lawyer of plans by clients to leave money to St. Jude. Most times, proceeds from bequests just show up with no prior notice after a person has died. The charity also solicits them in fundraising materials, encouraging anyone open to considering St. Jude in their will to notify it using an enclosed information card and envelope.

Harris, after notifying St. Jude of the potential bequest, then asked that no one contact her. That request was apparently ignored as an ALSAC staffer was tasked with getting in touch with Nona a few months after her call, according to a printout of a computerized log of interactions with Nona filed in court.

ALSAC bequest specialists maintain a “portfolio” of estate donors who are ranked by importance, according to current and former ALSAC employees. The size and range of the ALSAC bequest operation gives it the advantage of being able to meet in person with donors anywhere in the country.

ALSAC sent Nona handwritten birthday and holiday cards, and in one case, just a note to say, “I thought of you today.” The cards were often followed by phone calls around the holidays to check in with her.

On four occasions — in 2000, twice in 2001 and in 2005 — Nona was listed for what were described in the log as “love calls.” St. Jude declined to provide details on what such calls entailed.

Call logs between St. Jude and Nona Harris show several “love calls” placed between 2000 and 2001. (Obtained by ProPublica)

The ALSAC staff invited the Harrises to special events, including a 50th anniversary gala party in Los Angeles, as well as asking them repeatedly to come to Memphis and visit the hospital. “I will be sure to be at the front door waiting for your arrival,” a staffer wrote in 2007. Family members do not believe the Harrises ever visited.

One hint in the notes of why Nona chose St. Jude as a beneficiary of her estate was a comment she made in 2004 that she “was thrilled to do it since St. Jude is her patron saint.” Although the hospital is named after the saint, it does not have any religious affiliations. J.D. also had a fondness for the children’s hospital, according to family members, and would occasionally wear a St. Jude baseball cap sent to the couple by fundraisers.

The Harrises were different from other large bequest donors in one significant way. It doesn’t appear anyone from ALSAC ever visited them at their home.

Former ALSAC employees who worked on bequests said they would visit some donors dozens of times. They said some of those were older donors who were lonely and enjoyed the companionship. Internally, the jobs came to be known as “the tea and cookie positions” since that’s what many visits to donors involved. One staffer said he became so close to one donor that he attended holiday dinners at the family’s home.

An ALSAC employee based in Rhode Island said she would meet in person with 150 to 200 people a year throughout New England and upstate New York who indicated they planned to leave money to St. Jude or were considering it, according to testimony she gave in 2015 in a New Hampshire estate dispute.

The employee, Maureen Mallon, was an estate lawyer in private practice for 20 years before joining ALSAC as a philanthropic adviser in 2010.

“Part of my role is to connect them, to build a relationship with them, to give them more information about the hospital,” she said of visiting potential donors.

Mallon testified about her relationship with one donor, whom she visited at her home in person five times, usually for an hour or more. The woman — who was elderly, widowed and did not have children — would have lunch ready for the two of them and always sent Mallon home with baked goods. One time she called to make sure Mallon made it home safely. Mallon said the woman discussed details of her estate and shared family histories and relationships. She confided that certain relatives would be unhappy if they learned she planned to leave her home to the Memphis hospital. The visits and notes about what was discussed were recorded in a database, according to the testimony. Attempts to contact Mallon were unsuccessful.

The Harrises were private people who had retired to their ranch in Kansas following years of traveling the world as part of J.D.’s work in the oil industry. They used their Tulsa condo when they came for medical care in the city.

On the ranch, J.D. would rise early each day to drive the foreman around the 320-acre property to feed the scores of cattle and horses. He typically dressed in blue jeans, black cowboy boots with his initials on them, a cowboy hat and a white oxford shirt with two pockets that he used to carry a small notebook, a pencil and his checkbook.

J.D. was plainspoken and frank, friends recalled, while Nona was described as a generous person who was always impeccably dressed.

After Nona died on the day after Thanksgiving in 2015, J.D. became closer with his remaining family members, including two nieces and a nephew, according to court testimony.

J.D. was particularly fond of his great-nephew Brent Neitzke, who lived in Indiana and visited him at the ranch on a regular basis after Nona’s death. Most Sunday nights, J.D. and Neitzke would talk for hours on the phone. Neitzke said they discussed politicians, happenings in the world and J.D.’s travels. He said J.D. also talked about his estate and his plans to split it.

J.D. told his accountant that the estate plan he formed after Nona’s death was something of a compromise. He would still be honoring Nona’s wish to help St. Jude while at the same time taking care of his family.

When J.D. called ALSAC two months after Nona died to share the news that his wife had passed away, he told the staffer who was the main contact for Nona that he wanted “to talk to me at length about his codicile (sic) to their will,” according to court records. A codicil modifies or revokes parts of a will.

Call logs show J.D. Harris wanted to discuss his will after the 2015 death of his wife, Nona. (Obtained by ProPublica)

Later, the ALSAC staffer tried to set up a meeting with J.D. at his home, but J.D. said that it was too soon for a visit and that he wanted to speak to his attorney first, according to notes of the conversation recorded by ALSAC.

For ALSAC, the next step was the courtroom.

(Isabel Seliger, special to ProPublica) Court Battles

That’s where Vance Lanier found himself when St. Jude fought him over the distribution of his father’s estate.

Lanier is a financial planner in Lafayette, Louisiana, who helps clients with estate and trust matters. His father, Eugene, died in December 2015. His will directed that $100,000 from the proceeds of the sale of his home go to St. Jude.

But there was a problem. The elder Lanier did not own his home, according to his son. More than a decade earlier he had placed it in a trust, along with other assets, to benefit his three children.

To Lanier, it was a simple matter. St. Jude was not entitled to any money from the house sale. “He had given away his assets to put into a trust,” Lanier said. “My dad did not own it. He could have changed that while he was alive, but he didn’t.”

Still, recognizing that his father did want to make a donation to St. Jude, and hoping to avoid spending money on legal fees, Lanier said he offered St. Jude $25,000 to settle the matter. The offer was rejected, according to Lanier and his attorney, and St. Jude instead pursued the matter in a yearslong court fight. St. Jude argued that the elder Lanier, through his will, “clearly directed the sale” of the property and that $100,000 of the proceeds should go to the hospital.

A trial court ruled in favor of Vance Lanier. St. Jude appealed that ruling but eventually lost. The charity then asked the state Supreme Court to reverse that ruling, but the request was denied, ending the matter.

Lanier said the legal dispute was expensive for both sides. He spent $50,000 in lawyer fees. Even if St. Jude had won the case, he said, much of the money it would have received from the elder Lanier’s estate would have been wiped out by legal costs. St. Jude did not respond to questions about how much it paid its lawyers.

Lanier said he wrote to the chief executive of St. Jude complaining that the legal fight was a waste of time and the charity’s resources.

Before the estate dispute, Lanier said he and other members of his extended family were supporters of St. Jude and had collectively donated thousands of dollars to the Memphis hospital. That is no longer the case, he said.

“After this and seeing the waste, I don’t want anything to do with them,” he said.

(Isabel Seliger, special to ProPublica) Influence and Attorneys

One sign of the significance of bequests to St. Jude is that it frequently underwrites conferences for estate lawyers and financial planners, who can help clients determine which charities to leave money to in their wills.

In some cases, it is the only charity involved. Typical sponsors are mostly banks, trust companies and consultancies.

St. Jude has been a top-level diamond sponsor for the past several years of the Heckerling Institute on Estate Planning, an annual conference that typically draws more than 3,000 attendees.

The $30,000 cost of a diamond sponsorship allows St. Jude to bring as many as 10 employees to work at its deluxe suite on the exhibit hall floor. St. Jude also gets a list of all attendees and their emails and expanded networking times with conferencegoers.

At the 2017 conference, St. Jude raffled off a free trip to attend a PGA Tour golf event in Memphis.

The winner, estate and tax adviser Jack Meola, of New Jersey, said that in addition to attending the golf event, he and his wife were taken on a tour of St. Jude. “It’s a very emotional experience,” he said.

At the Heckerling conference the next year, ALSAC asked him to give a luncheon talk to attendees about St. Jude, Meola said.

He said he shares his experience of visiting the hospital with his clients when they are considering charities as beneficiaries.

“I always talk to clients and give them the example,” Meola said. “They may not end up choosing St. Jude, but I give them the emotional side.”

St. Jude’s relationship with a Las Vegas estate lawyer ensured it learned about a lucrative estate case in time to fight for the bequest all the way to the state Supreme Court, and it raised ethical questions about whether the lawyer had been fully transparent with her client.

The lawyer, Kristin Tyler, drafted a will in October 2012 for Theodore Scheide Jr. that directed his estate go to St. Jude. But after Scheide died in 2014, the original of that will could not be located. A guardian who served as the administrator of Scheide’s estate concluded that he destroyed it, rendering it null and void, and determined his money should go to his son.

In 2016, just as a court was on the verge of finalizing the passing of Scheide’s $2.6 million estate to his son, Tyler learned of the plans for the money and alerted Jones, the ALSAC attorney. Tyler knew to call Jones because in addition to Scheide she had another client: St. Jude.

Tyler was vague about what prompted her to look into the matter at the last minute, writing in one email at the time that “for some reason I recently thought about Theo Scheide.” She was certain, however, that the money should go to St. Jude and not Scheide’s son. The two were estranged and Tyler said Scheide was adamant about disinheriting his son.

After calling Jones, Tyler then contacted a partner at a prominent Las Vegas law firm that worked with the charity. In an email, she advised the partner that St. Jude would be reaching out to him and “you need to jump on this quick.” She offered to help, writing, “I want to make sure this estate goes 100% to St. Jude and not to Theo’s estranged son.” She wrote that it would be “a shame” for the money to go to the son.

Tyler later testified that she had represented the hospital in at least two, and perhaps three, estate matters. She testified that she was unsure if she was working for St. Jude at the same time she helped Scheide draft his will. In any event, she said that it wouldn’t have been necessary to tell Scheide about her work for St. Jude because the interests of the two parties were not opposed to each other — meaning there was no conflict of interest. St. Jude did not respond to questions about its relationship with Tyler.

Legal experts said the need to disclose the relationship with St. Jude would depend on the nature and extent of Tyler’s dealings with the charity. Tyler declined to comment.

A district court judge, after a hearing, ruled that the estate should go to the son as there were not two independent witnesses who could vouch for the existence and substance of the missing original will. St. Jude appealed that decision to the state Supreme Court, which overturned the lower court in 2020 and ruled in favor of the charity. Appeals in the case continue.

Key to the supreme court ruling were affidavits from Tyler and her assistant testifying to the legitimacy of the missing will, saying that they witnessed Scheide sign it and that, to their knowledge, he had not intentionally destroyed or revoked it.

For Scheide’s son, Chip, the most painful part of the legal fight with St. Jude was not potentially losing out on his father’s estate but the way he was characterized by the charity and years of uncertainty over the potential inheritance. In appealing the case to the state Supreme Court, St. Jude repeatedly referred to Chip as a “disinherited” son and claimed his father had “no interest” in contacting him. He called it “intentionally hurtful.”

Chip acknowledges an estrangement from his father but says it was not rooted in anger or a dispute. Instead, Chip said, it was the result of a decision his father made in the wake of his parents’ divorce to remarry and move from Pittsburgh to Florida when Chip was 11 or 12. After he moved away, Chip only saw his father a few times.

“He made a choice,” Chip said of his father and the distant relationship between the two. Still, he said, the two stayed in touch. They regularly exchanged holiday cards and just a year before he died, Theodore sent Chip a congratulatory card and a check when he married for a second time.

Chip was in Las Vegas about a year before his father died and tried to contact him, without success. Later he learned his father was in the hospital at that time.

Despite the contention of St. Jude that Theodore did not want to contact Chip, Diane Prosser, a case manager for the guardianship service that managed Theodore’s affairs, said in an interview with ProPublica that Theodore talked frequently about his son toward the end of his life.

“I know towards the end, he mentioned his son a lot,” Prosser said. “I remember saying, should we be looking for his son?” Prosser said she discussed the matter with her boss but doesn’t remember any effort by the guardianship service to find Chip before Theodore died on Aug. 17, 2014.

(Isabel Seliger, special to ProPublica) “He Knew Exactly What He Wanted to Do”

J.D. Harris was admitted to the hospital for a heart valve procedure on Dec. 15, 2016, a little over a year after his wife died. During the operation, his kidneys failed, according to court testimony. Doctors told J.D. that if he didn’t begin dialysis he would die within days. J.D., who was 92, told the doctors he wasn’t interested in the treatment.

By this point, J.D. had not yet made the changes to his estate that he talked about during the previous months. On Dec. 19, he called his longtime accountant, Dwight Kealiher, from the hospital and told him he wanted to rework his trust and will.

Attorney Jerry Zimmerman, a well-known Tulsa estate lawyer, met twice with J.D. at the hospital on Dec. 21. Zimmerman questioned J.D. to make sure he was competent, asking him personal questions and inquiring about his assets. He said in court testimony that J.D. was lucid and accurately recalled details of his estate and his existing trust.

Zimmerman said J.D. told him he wanted to change his estate plan to split it between St. Jude and four family members, including Neitzke. J.D. also wanted $100,000 to go to Jim Tibbets, the foreman of his ranch, whom he considered a friend, Zimmerman testified.

Zimmerman returned to the hospital the next day with the reworked estate documents, but J.D. said he wanted Kealiher to be there to review them and didn’t sign. A day later, on Dec. 23, Zimmerman came back with Kealiher, who had just been released from a different hospital.

J.D., however, was in no condition to sign, according to his medical records. A hospital notary said he was “laboring” and might be confused. A nurse, concerned that J.D. was too weak to sign and incoherent, eventually asked everyone to leave the room.

Tibbets slept in J.D.’s room that night and said that J.D. woke up several times asking about the estate documents and requesting that Zimmerman come to the hospital so he could sign them. Tibbets explained it was the middle of the night and that wasn’t possible, court records show.

The next day was Christmas Eve and Zimmerman was not available to come to the hospital, court records show. He gave the papers to be signed to Tibbets. Overnight, Tibbets said J.D. again woke up and asked about the estate documents as well as inquiring about the animals on his ranch.

“He was adamant about it,” Tibbets said in an interview of J.D.’s desire to finalize his estate plans. “His mind was still sharp right until he passed away.”

Tibbets said he put a piece of cardboard underneath the papers and that J.D. meticulously signed each letter of his name, understanding the importance of the moment. When he finished, he told Tibbets he was “glad” it was done. He died later on Christmas Day.

Six months later, St. Jude began the court fight seeking to overturn a district court finding that the restated trust was properly executed and requesting a new trial on the matter.

The hospital said that it didn’t receive proper notice of the nature of the district court hearing on J.D.’s estate and that it was unfairly denied a chance to introduce medical records showing that J.D. was often incoherent, comatose or otherwise incapable of decision-making at the times he was asked to sign the reworked estate plan. The charity did not contest that J.D. signed the documents.

“He talked to his lawyer. He talked to his accountant. He talked to his family. He talked to his ranch hand, who was family to him,” Tulsa District Court Judge Kurt G. Glassco said in a ruling, which found that J.D.’s reworked estate plan was valid. “And he knew exactly what he wanted to do.”

After Glassco denied St. Jude’s request for a new trial, the charity then appealed to the state Supreme Court, which delegated the matter to the Court of Civil Appeals.

As the case dragged on, J.D.’s nephew Doug Holmes, who was one of the family members named as a beneficiary in the restated trust, wrote a letter to the St. Jude board of directors.

“The continued unfounded litigation has caused significant pain to family members, as we repeatedly have to relive the final days of our dear uncle,” he wrote in December 2018. “With each of St. Jude’s legal filings, the attorney fees increase, sapping precious dollars that could go to St. Jude families.”

In December 2019, the appeals court upheld the lower court ruling. In 2020, more than three years after J.D.’s death, his family members finally received their shares of his nearly $6 million estate.

Neitzke said his family remains mystified as to why St. Jude challenged the distribution of J.D.’s trust. The charity was still being granted a generous, multimillion-dollar bequest and J.D. even told the charity to expect a change from what Nona had promised before she died, he said.

Neitzke said he had been a supporter of St. Jude, but the litigation had changed his view.

“I thought this was a waste of time and money,” he said. “I will never give them another dime.”

Do You Have a Tip for ProPublica? Help Us Do Journalism.

Former ProPublica reporter Marshall Allen contributed reporting.

by David Armstrong and Ryan Gabrielson

Lights Out: Profitable Utility Company Shut Off Electricity to Homes Hundreds of Thousands of Times

3 years ago

This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with Outlier Media. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

During the early stages of the pandemic, Michigan’s largest power company leaned in to a chance to show its charitable side, helping buy laptops for Detroit’s public school children and publicizing that it would not disconnect the gas and electric service of people who could not pay their bills. DTE Energy said it was on “high alert to help those customers whose lives are being disrupted.”

But the relief from the threat of a shut-off ended quickly for DTE’s customers, who pay some of the highest electricity rates in the country. DTE’s moratorium on disconnections lasted just over three months.

An analysis by ProPublica and Outlier Media shows the extent to which one of the nation’s poorest cities and other communities across Southeast Michigan have been impacted by electric service disconnections since the COVID-19 pandemic began. DTE disconnected customers 80,600 times in 2020 and more than doubled that number in 2021. Its 178,200 disconnections for nonpayment last year were its highest annual total since 2016.

The shut-offs reflect an unrelenting reality in Detroit and surrounding areas, where low-income residents have long struggled to keep their lights on while avoiding crushing debt tied to a basic service. It’s a problem rarely discussed except among activists and advocates, as regulators and legislators have focused on other issues, like reliability of service.

DTE has more than 2 million customers, but size alone does not explain its shut-off numbers, nor does the level of poverty within the company’s service area. The analysis by ProPublica and Outlier is the first to examine DTE’s disconnections and compare them to shut-offs by other Michigan utilities.

During the pandemic, DTE’s rate of electricity shut-offs — disconnections as a proportion of customers — outpaced the six other utilities in Michigan that are owned by private investors and have their prices regulated by the state. DTE’s rate was twice as high as the state’s second largest utility, Consumers Energy, which serves areas with a similar share of low-income residents, according to an analysis of U.S. Census Bureau data.

Prior to the COVID-19 emergency, from 2013 — the earliest year for which data was available — through 2019, DTE disconnected electric accounts 1.2 million times. That represented 47% more shut-offs than Consumers during those years, adjusted for the number of customers each utility had. (Both utilities also provide gas service and combine those costs into one bill for many customers, but electricity is the more expensive of the two.)

DTE’s Rate of Shut-offs Outpaced Others During Pandemic

From April 2020 to December 2021, DTE’s average monthly shut-offs for nonpayment per 100,000 customers far outpaced Michigan’s other investor-owned electricity providers.

(Agnel Philip/ProPublica. Source: Michigan Public Service Commission.)

DTE responded to the findings of Outlier and ProPublica in interviews and through email. The utility said that in most cases, customers have service restored within 48 hours. DTE spokesman Christopher Lamphear stressed that the utility works with customers to help arrange affordable payment plans or get financial assistance and contributes millions of dollars annually to a range of programs for low-income communities and customers. He said DTE forgave $2.6 million in debt for struggling customers in 2020.

But DTE, which told state regulators it has half a million customers living in poverty, has acknowledged the struggles faced by customers who can’t afford electricity. In recent testimony before state regulators, DTE described how some people build up significant debt on their monthly bills and then see the problem exacerbated by late fees, shutoffs and security deposits required for reconnection.

Many of the customers who experience shut-offs “are stuck in a repeated cycle of disconnects and reconnects” and must “make tough choices about which monthly bills get paid, and which ones don’t,” a company representative testified.

Watch video ➜

Outlier Media helps Detroit residents access useful and verified information via an automated text messaging system monitored by reporters who will follow up with them. This winter, Outlier heard from hundreds of DTE customers who were looking for resources to help pay their bills.

Of those, 136 said they had had their power shut off or owed money to DTE. Another 343 said they needed help to pay their current DTE bill. Among their comments:

“I was diagnosed with covid and stuck in bed so I missed my notice.”

“Insurmountable debt owed to DTE. I live in an apartment which has very little insulation, thereby causing my heating charges to be extreme.”

“My service was shut off due to nonpayment just last month. I had to come up with $135 to get my service restored.”

One Detroit man who responded to Outlier was shut off earlier this year and reconnected the same day. His bill shows he currently owes more than $2,500 to DTE. In an interview, the recent widower described the stress of not knowing if he could keep the electricity on for his children so they could use the internet for school.

“I open the door and I’m just hoping that my service is not off,” said the man, who didn’t want to be named in the story to protect his family’s privacy. “When the power is off, that stops the kids from being able to go to school.” DTE confirmed that his account had been shut off.

Even though many customers routinely scramble to pay their bills, the state’s utility regulators are not empowered by state law to directly consider affordability when setting prices. Echoing a dynamic seen across the country, Michigan’s regulators focus primarily on keeping utilities profitable enough to satisfy investors and on ensuring customers receive power without unexpected blackouts.

Watch video ➜

“There’s not sort of a clear place in Michigan law where it gets to ‘And also can customers afford to pay for it?’” said Dan Scripps, chair of the entity charged with overseeing utilities, the Michigan Public Service Commission.

Over the last decade, the MPSC has granted DTE a regular series of price hikes worth billions of dollars in revenue to the company.

The state has rules prohibiting shut-offs during extreme weather and requiring notices before disconnection, but it’s often up to utilities to decide how much leniency to show customers.

DTE’s Lamphear said in an email that it has “an obligation to all customers” to manage unpaid bills in a cost-effective way, so that lost revenue doesn’t result in higher costs for all.

“Given these challenges we continue to advocate for additional financial support from federal and state sources to provide a safety net for the most vulnerable people we serve,” Lamphear wrote.

Federal data shows that DTE’s price, as measured in cost per kilowatt-hour, is the second highest among investor-owned utilities in Michigan, behind the Upper Peninsula Power Company, a utility with only about 50,000 customers in Northern Michigan. Consumers’ rate, meanwhile, is about 10% lower than DTE’s.

DTE’s price per kilowatt-hour is also higher than the price charged by the largest utility in each of the other Great Lakes states of Illinois, Indiana, Minnesota, Ohio and Wisconsin.

Despite the rate it charges, DTE said, its average monthly bill is on par with the national average, in large part because Michigan residential customers use less electricity than the average American customer.

Outlier and ProPublica employed the same methodology used by DTE to compare its average bills to those of the largest utilities in those five Great Lakes states. DTE’s average bill turned out to be the second most expensive among that group in 2020, the most recent year with full data.

Researchers have developed another way to measure affordability called “energy burden,” which accounts for price and income by calculating the share of customers’ monthly earnings that goes toward utility costs. A recent study of 25 large metropolitan regions determined that the burden for low-income Detroit residents was particularly severe.

Watch video ➜

Michigan regulators don’t require utilities to disclose where shut-offs happen or which communities are most affected, and DTE declined to provide that information to an Outlier reporter. But advocates in Detroit’s low-income neighborhoods and researchers say Black communities are significantly impacted. The percentage of Black residents in DTE’s service area is nearly three times as high as Consumers’, according to a ProPublica and Outlier analysis of census data.

Jeremy Lark of Greenpath Financial Wellness, a nonprofit that helps customers to access payment plans for DTE debt, said more than 60% of people working with Greenpath to manage their DTE debt are Black.

“The customers that come to us,” he said, “it’s pretty common that past due bills are in the thousands of dollars.”

High Prices and Oversight That Favors Utilities

Thomas Edison grew up in Port Huron, Michigan, before going on to help develop electric power generation. One of his first licensees for generating electricity was the Detroit Edison Company; it was reorganized into DTE Energy in 1996.

In the early part of the 20th century, as industry and ordinary households demanded more electricity, governments across the country didn’t have the funds, expertise or will to build a brand new electric grid. Instead, they struck deals with large power companies to supply and distribute power; the utilities would be subject to government oversight but also would be insulated from future competition.

These “investor-owned utilities” — some, like DTE, with publicly traded stock — provide utility service for the majority of Americans and often need government approval to set prices.

The Michigan Public Service Commission, which negotiates these rates through an administrative proceeding, is not empowered to reject rates on the grounds they’re too expensive for low-income customers. Instead, it “has an obligation under Michigan law to set rates based on whether the investments proposed are reasonable and prudent and then allowing for the opportunity to earn a profit on those that are,” saidScripps, chair of the commission.

He added: “Affordability is always a front-of-mind issue, but it’s not tied to how we evaluate utility investments.”

Similar dynamics are at play across the country. Two recent exceptions can be found in Oregon and Massachusetts, where recent legislation gave regulators power to take customers’ ability to pay into consideration when setting gas or electric rates.

Since 2011, the MSPC has approved six rate increases for DTE, each for amounts that were about half of what the company had requested. Over that same time period, according to the commission, DTE’s revenues have increased by several billion dollars, due in part to those rate increases. DTE is currently asking for a seventh rate increase, worth an additional $388 million in annual revenue.

Nationally, the rate DTE charges residents ranks in the top 5 percent of all investor-owned, public and cooperative electric suppliers, according to government data analyzed by Outlier and ProPublica.

In DTE’s service area, the increases in residential rates stand in contrast to what’s happened with businesses and industry. The commercial rates businesses pay have been relatively stable in recent years, while industrial users saw their rates decline between 2010 and 2019, according to federal data analyzed by the Citizens Utility Board of Michigan, a state-funded consumer advocate.

Amy Bandyk, executive director for CUB of MI, said her organization — and by extension residential ratepayers — is outspent by the utility companies, which can afford more lawyers and experts to argue their side in rate cases.

“DTE and Consumers have lots of lobbyists and lawyers and analysts all focused on getting a better return for their shareholders,” she said. “I like to think our arguments are good, but the utilities are just very well-funded.”

She’d like to see the state move toward a billing structure that caps bills at a percentage of income for those who might otherwise struggle to pay, a reform that is popular with advocates nationally.

The MPSC has urged DTE and Consumers Energy to take some steps in this direction, and both companies have taken steps to test this approach. DTE’s pilot program, which began in January, caps bills at 10% of income for some households who use DTE for both gas and electric service, with the company absorbing the rest of the cost. The program will last two years for no more than 2,000 customers living at or below 200% of poverty.

Even as Bandyk observes what’s happening with the MPSC, she would like to see more urgency.

“There are so many people that need help right now,” she said. “High utility rates affect everyone, and, obviously, there are specific groups of customers hit especially hard.”

Donald Lutas is one of those customers. A retiree on a fixed income, he has tried to make his 105-year-old Detroit home more energy-efficient by adding insulation in its attic and replacing windows. But his house is still large and drafty, and he has problems keeping up with his gas and electric bills, especially in winter when he’s seen monthly charges of more than $500.

Donald Lutas in the entry hallway of his home in Detroit (Nick Hagen for ProPublica)

“Right now I have to make a choice between paying my part of Medicare or paying for utilities,” said Lutas, who used to run a residential care facility for people with mental health challenges. “I couldn’t afford both. I had multiple shut-off notices last winter, and I couldn’t allow myself to get disconnected.”

Lutas said he chose to forgo his primary care visits and only keep his hospitalization insurance in order to afford to pay DTE. As he struggles to make payments, Lutas can’t help but think about how DTE continues to thrive financially.

“It is a problem which is more glaring considering that DTE is constantly posting a profit, a major profit,” he said.

Even as the pandemic upended lives in the Detroit area, DTE saw strong earnings in 2020 and 2021. Cash dividends paid out to investors in the electric company, bolstered by rate hikes, rose 76% from 2010 to 2020, to $539 million. DTE’s financial success is important to everyone in the region, the utility argues, because it allows DTE to attract additional investors and borrow money at a lower financing cost.

Beyond its investor dividends, the health of the company’s finances is reflected in the pay of its top executive. CEO Jerry Norcia received a salary of $1.2 million as part of total compensation of $9.7 million in 2020, his first full year on the job. In every other year since 2017, the company’s compensation package for its CEO has topped $10 million.

DTE Shut-offs Outpace Other Utilities’

When the pandemic began in 2020, causing a wave of medical and financial hardship, 34 states directed utilities to stop shutting off customers’ service, according to the National Association of Regulatory Utility Commissioners. But Michigan was not one of those, relying instead on voluntary pauses by the state’s utilities.

DTE’s shut-off moratorium was shorter than those put in place by the largest utilities in Illinois, Indiana, Minnesota, Ohio and Wisconsin.

MPSC chair Scripps defended the utility’s decision to limit its self-imposed moratorium to only three months in a commentary published in the Detroit Free Press in December 2020. Citing experience from Michigan’s recession in the early 2000s, Scripps said people who stop paying their bills during a longer moratorium might be unlikely to ever catch up. He argued that focusing instead on aggressively distributing assistance dollars would have more long-term benefit.

Watch video ➜

Consumers Energy, meanwhile, voluntarily extended its shut-off moratorium to eight months for most residential customers, through October 2020. The longer moratorium did not lead to more shut-offs once it ended, according to data filed by the company with the MPSC. Consumers’ shut-offs in 2021 were the third fewest for any year since 2013. Only 2016 and 2020 had fewer.

Looking back on its moratorium, Consumers said it did the right thing for its customers. “We believe our approach was the right one,” the utility said in an email, “as we did not want to add additional stress onto our customers during an already stressful time.”

The MPSC has required utilities to file frequent reports on shut-off numbers during COVID-19, every two weeks for the first few months of the pandemic and then every month since. But those reports only tally the number of people who remain shut off from electric, gas or both services at the end of each month-long period. Because these reports don't account for shut-offs where service was later reconnected, they underrepresent the true problem.

But Michigan utilities also file quarterly reports with the MPSC tallying every disconnection for nonpayment. Through examining these, a more complete picture of the breadth of shut-offs during the pandemic emerges.

The analysis by ProPublica and Outlier found that from April 2020 through December 2021, the last month for which data is available, DTE disconnected accounts 208,000 times for nonpayment. These reports contain numbers for both residential and commercial disconnections, but the preponderance are residential.

DTE Ramped Up Shut-offs Quickly After Moratorium End

Compared to the next biggest utility in the state, Consumers Energy, DTE quickly picked up its pace of monthly shut-offs for nonpayment.

(Agnel Philip/ProPublica. Source: Michigan Public Service Commission.)

Because of the way the MPSC collects its data, the analysis could calculate the total number of shut-offs, not the number of customers affected. A single customer might be disconnected more than once during a period of time. DTE, for instance, said that its 80,600 shut-offs in 2020 “represented approximately 66,000 unique customers.”

ProPublica and Outlier asked both DTE and Consumers for their company policies on what triggers a shut-off notice. Again, there was a clear difference.

DTE said it can begin the shut-off notification process after customers miss just one payment and fall more than $100 behind on a bill. State law requires a shut-off notice be sent at least 10 days before an account is disconnected. In order to avoid shut-off, customers can pay their entire past due balance, agree to a payment plan or apply for assistance, which includes a shut-off hold during the application process.

“We offer them a range of options based on their circumstances: affordable payment plans, senior protections, medical holds and low-income assistance,” DTE said in an email. It added: “DTE acts leniently wherever possible within the MPSC’s rules.”

Consumers Energy said it also can start its notification process after customers miss just one bill, but only if they have fallen at least $200 behind. If a late customer gets their balance owed below $75, Consumers said, it won’t go through with the disconnection.

Both companies require customers who get disconnected for nonpayment to provide a deposit before getting reconnected. The deposit can be significant. Under Michigan regulations, the deposit can equal up to twice a customer's average monthly bill; the fee is waived for anyone receiving utility assistance from the state to help them reconnect.

In 2020, aided by an influx of federal COVID-related assistance, the state helped more than 341,000 people across Michigan with energy costs ranging from bills to furnace repairs.

However, more than 40% of individuals who applied that year were rejected, usually because of income requirements, when they applied for that help. Some of the state’s relief programs also require a shut-off notice to qualify.

Detroit’s Heavy Burden

Cassia Haywood, who lives on Detroit’s West Side with her 11-year-old daughter, is quite familiar by now with what DTE shutoff notices look like: a letter marked by several thick red lines and plenty of bold red type.

For years, those letters have forced her to scramble to avoid losing electricity and gas-powered heat. In that very basic sense, her efforts were a success in 2021.

Thanks to payment plans with DTE and intermittent help from social service agencies, Haywood has managed to keep her electricity on. Payment plans can give people more time to pay off money owed to the company in affordable chunks, but some plans still allow the total debt to grow.

Her debt to DTE, built up over several years of gas and electric charges, now totals $8,000, part of which will be added to her bill each month until she has paid it all down. It’s a debt she fears she may never pay off.

Haywood has an auto-assembly job but is only getting sporadic hours. “I’m just not getting ahead with it,” she said.

The financial pressures bearing down on Haywood and others reflect the energy burden faced by many Detroit residents: a household’s energy costs, both electric and gas, divided by its income. Researchers and policy makers largely agree that an energy burden over 6% is unaffordable.

Haywood said she uses about $200 of energy each month, making her burden about 10%. Because she also needs to pay hundreds of dollars toward her debt with DTE each month, the actual burden of her DTE bill is about 34% of her income.

Sometimes a DTE bill for electricity and gas can rival housing costs.

“We pay so much, even on the payment plan,” said Germaine Iwu, who lives with her husband and four children on the East Side of Detroit. Their typical monthly bill this year has been $326 through their plan. “Our mortgage is only like $400,” she said.

A recent study by the American Council for an Energy Efficient Economy, a national nonprofit, put the median energy burden in the Detroit metro area at 10% for low-income families. That’s higher than the national average and the third-highest among the metropolitan areas it studied, behind Baltimore and Birmingham.

This research found that 43% of Black and 38% of Latinx households in the Detroit metro area have an unaffordable energy burden. Researchers cite a combination of factors for these percentages, including higher energy usage because of older housing stock that is not energy-efficient.

A separate survey of more than 350 Detroit families — conducted over the winter of 2020 by Detroit nonprofit We Want Green Too and Kate Hutchens, a University of Michigan researcher— found their average energy burden was close to 16%, higher than that of the overall metro area.

Gloria Lowe in her home in Detroit. Lowe runs We Want Green Too, a nonprofit that studied the energy burden in Detroit. (Nick Hagen for ProPublica)

Addressing the problem in Detroit won’t be easy.

The National Consumer Law Center, which has extensively studied utility prices and regulation, advocates that states develop payment plans that are based on a percentage of income, eliminate deposits for reconnection and prohibit shut-offs for low-income households that include infants or people who are elderly or disabled. To get a clearer view of who is being impacted, the center also wants utility companies to provide more data about who is affected by shut-offs.

In Michigan, the MPSC has pushed utilities to experiment with percentage-of-income plans for some, but there seems to be little momentum for bigger changes. State Sen. Jeff Irwin, a Democrat from Ann Arbor, said regulators and legislators have been overly responsive to the utilities’ desires for reliable investor payouts. For instance, Democrats have pushed legislation limiting shut-offs of water but not electricity.

Irwin said the legislature is too responsive to industry and “blind to the needs of residential affordability.

“The very specific conversation about helping people who can’t pay their bills does not get a lot of play,” he said.

DTE is currently pushing a different idea: a prepaid option it said would help low-income customers. Its reference in state filings to the struggles of customers who face shut-offs came as it urged the MPSC to endorse that proposal.

Watch video ➜

Under DTE’s plan, people would prepay into an energy account, and if that account runs dry, the company would then use a “remote disconnect feature.” Customers would need to make a minimum payment of $40 to get their power restored, and the process would begin again.

“That is the thing that brings me closest to feeling like I’m living in a post-apocalyptic world,” said Margrethe Kearney, a lawyer with the Environmental Law & Policy Center, which opposes the plan and has intervened in the still-undecided MPSC case.

“DTE has lots of reasons for wanting to do this. And they say, ‘Well, you know, it’ll help people manage their energy use. It’ll keep people from racking up these $3,000 bills.’ But at the same time, it’s like, what happens when it’s the middle of a heatwave? And you don’t have any money to put in your account?”

Some activists want to fundamentally challenge the way low-income communities must rely on DTE. Advocacy from Soulardarity, an environmental justice group, has led to a pilot program, endorsed by MPSC, that will give hundreds of low-income residents in Highland Park, Detroit and River Rouge access to solar power and credits on their bills.

Shimekia Nichols, the group’s executive director, considers that a small step, if an insufficient one, toward a larger goal of independence from DTE’s monopoly.

“That is what energy democracy is about,” she said. “It’s what we have to do, because otherwise people are just going to keep needing help.”

About the Data: How We Analyzed Shut-off Rates and Service Area Demographics

Outlier Media and ProPublica collected quarterly reports from the Michigan Public Service Commission that cataloged total disconnections of electric customers for nonpayment by month since 2013. The shut-off numbers do not separate out residential and non-residential customers. The news organizations then calculated average monthly shut-off rates during the pandemic by averaging the disconnections from April 2020 through the end of 2021, which was the most recent data available, and divided that by the average number of electric customers (residential and non-residential) reported by Michigan’s investor-owned utilities to MPSC for 2020. Customer counts for 2021 were not available at the time of publication. We followed a similar method for calculating the average shut-off rate from 2013 through 2019, averaging the monthly customer count figures reported for each year as our base.

For our analysis of the customer demographics for Michigan’s largest two utilities, we re-created an MPSC map of the electric service areas for DTE and Consumers Energy at the Census tract level, using 2010 boundaries. We then matched these tracts to Census data and calculated the percent of residents in each service area who are Black and the percent who are low-income, using the 2015-2019 five-year American Community Survey. We defined low-income percentage as the number of people at or below the poverty line divided by the total population, for each service area. We excluded tracts where the utilities appeared to only serve a portion of the total area.

Comparisons of average bills and rates per kilowatt-hour were based on data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration.

Erin Smith, Alyssa Johnson and Alex Mierjeski contributed research.

Update, March 18, 2022: This story was updated to include the name of Chris Lamphear, a DTE spokesman.

by Sarah Alvarez, Outlier Media, with data analysis by Agnel Philip, ProPublica

What to Do If Your Electricity Is Shut Off in Michigan

3 years ago

This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with Outlier Media. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

Michigan has some of the highest electricity rates in the nation. In fact, only 10 states have rates that are more expensive, based on federal data from 2021. Here’s what Michigan residents need to know if you find yourself facing a shut-off because you can’t afford your bill.

What are my rights?

  • Your utility must mail a shut-off notice at least 10 days before turning off your power for nonpayment. It must also try to contact you by phone the day before the shut-off.
  • You can sign up for a payment plan with your utility.
  • You can delay a shut-off for up to three weeks if you or someone in your home has a serious medical condition and you submit a signed form from your doctor, like this one for DTE Energy or this one for Consumers Energy.
  • If you are 65 or older, your power cannot be shut off between Nov. 1 and March 31. (DTE provides the same protections for people 62 or older.)
  • Your electricity cannot be shut off when utility workers are not available to turn your power back on that day or the next.
  • Your utility cannot shut off your power in extreme weather. Consumers Energy suspends or cancels shut-offs when temperatures are above 90 degrees or below 15 degrees or when the windchill is below 0 degrees. DTE will not shut off power when forecasts dip to 15 degrees, windchill is below zero for at least two days in a row or temperatures are at least 90 degrees for at least two days in a row.

I believe my utility company violated my rights. What can I do?

You can file an informal complaint online with the Michigan Public Service Commission.

  • You can also call 800-292-9555 Monday to Friday, 8:30 a.m. to 4:30 p.m., except holidays.
  • You can also mail your complaint to: MPSC Customer Assistance, P.O. Box 30221, Lansing, MI 48909.

Your utility company must delay any shut-offs while the MPSC investigates an informal complaint. You can expect to receive a response from the MPSC to your informal complaint within 10 business days.

You can also file a separate formal complaint and ask for an administrative law judge to hear your case. To file a formal complaint, you must submit three copies of your written complaint with a detailed description of what happened, what rules you believe the company broke, all documents and evidence you want to use at the hearing and what you are seeking from the utility. While you await your hearing, your utility must delay shut-offs.

I need help finding resources to pay my electric bill in Detroit. Whom can I contact?

Call 211 for resources to help you pay your utility bill. Or you can text DETROIT to 67485 for an automated list of current resources compiled by Outlier Media. You can also use the Outlier texting platform to talk to a reporter. (Message and data rates may apply; you will receive no more than four messages per month. Reply HELP for help or STOP to cancel at any time. Read the privacy policy and terms.)

Are You Having Trouble Paying Electric Bills in Detroit? Please Share Your Story.

by Alyssa Johnson and Erin Smith

DOJ Charges Defendants With Harassing and Spying On Chinese Americans for Beijing

3 years ago

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

For years, Chinese American dissidents in New York have suspected that China’s powerful and ubiquitous intelligence services had infiltrated their ranks and were tracking their every move.

“We operate under the assumption that no secret can be kept from the Chinese Communist Party, except maybe very sensitive ones,” said Chuangchuang Chen, a law student at St. John’s University and leading pro-democracy activist in Queens.

On Wednesday, Chen and other dissidents got new evidence of just how deep and aggressive China’s pursuit has become. U.S. prosecutors announced charges in three major cases that they say depict the alarming reach of Chinese intelligence in the United States. In one case, FBI agents arrested a 73-year-old dissident leader who is accused of spying on his fellow activists for 17 years. In the other cases, prosecutors said, Chinese spies recruited U.S. operatives, armed them with generous budgets, elaborate cover stories and high-tech gear, and sent them across the country to target Chinese Americans, including a congressional candidate on Long Island and a sculptor in Southern California.

The high-profile U.S. prosecutions are part of a stepped-up counteroffensive against an increasingly brazen adversary. Wednesday’s announcement at the Justice Department in Washington, D.C., came after months of public concern — including extensive reports by ProPublica — about the Chinese regime’s global campaign to harass, threaten, kidnap or imprison its critics and their families. ProPublica detailed one case in which a Chinese police officer slipped into the U.S. and deployed a team of Chinese and U.S. operatives, including a former New York City police detective, to spy on a New Jersey couple and force them to return to China.

During the press conference, Assistant Attorney General Matthew Olsen, head of the DOJ’s national security division, described “an alarming rise in transnational repression” and warned that China and other “authoritarian states around the world feel emboldened to reach beyond their borders to intimidate or exact reprisals against individuals who dare to speak out against oppression and corruption.”

All three cases unveiled Wednesday grew out of FBI counterintelligence investigations in the Eastern District of New York, where neighborhoods in Queens and Brooklyn have long been home to many Chinese Americans. Immigrants in such areas often fear that reporting acts of repression will result in retaliation against relatives in their former country. The FBI has been urging victims to come forward, creating a website with information and instructions in 28 languages.

“We have dozens of transnational repression cases,” said FBI Assistant Director Alan E. Kohler Jr., who leads the counterintelligence division, at the press conference. “However, we believe we should have hundreds.”

Reacting to the charges at a daily press briefing Thursday, a spokesperson for the Chinese foreign ministry said he did not know the specifics but denied that his government engages in such activity.

“We have never asked and will never ask Chinese citizens to do things in violation of local laws and regulations,” said the spokesperson, Zhao Lijan, in comments posted on the website of the embassy of China. “The accusation of ‘transnational repression schemes’ is totally made out of thin air. The US attempt to hype up ‘China threat’ and tarnish China’s reputation is doomed to fail.”

The clandestine tactics and methods described in the New York cases resemble those at the heart of a groundbreaking federal indictment of police officials and prosecutors from the city of Wuhan in 2020. ProPublica later determined that the lead officer in that case had slipped in and out of the U.S. pursuing other targets for several years, eluding detection by law enforcement. The defendants in the Wuhan case were part of Operation Fox Hunt, President Xi Jinping’s worldwide campaign to forcibly repatriate thousands of Chinese nationals accused, justifiably or not, of corruption.

The new prosecutions allege that, as in many Fox Hunt cases in North America, Chinese spies recruited teams of local operatives, often private detectives who conducted surveillance and gathered intelligence on targets. The New York-based detective hired in the Wuhan case has pleaded innocent, claiming he was duped by Chinese operatives claiming to represent a company hunting for an embezzler.

But some revelations in the new cases are unusual. Prosecutors took direct aim at the Ministry of State Security, China’s secret political police, charging an MSS officer named Qiming Lin with interference in the U.S. electoral process. Olsen said he was not aware of a previous case in which charges were filed against Chinese state officials for trying to sabotage a U.S. electoral candidacy.

Lin had discussed resorting to violence, such as a beating or a staged accident, to prevent a Chinese American candidate from winning an election in a congressional district on Long Island, authorities say.

“In the end, violence would be fine too,” Lin told a U.S. private investigator, according to a voice message transcript in a criminal complaint. “Huh? Beat him [chuckles], beat him until he cannot run for election. Heh, that’s the-the last resort. You-you think about it. Car accident, [he] will be completely wrecked [chuckles], right? Don’t know, eh, whatever ways from all different angles. Or, on the day of the election, he cannot make it there himself, right?”

The allegations stand out because, in general, Chinese intelligence officers have been less likely to engage in violence in the West than their counterparts from Russia and other authoritarian nations.

Lin also instructed the investigator to look for compromising information about the candidate’s personal life and suggested trying to orchestrate a scandal involving a prostitute, according to the complaint. He said his spy agency had set its sights on destroying other politicians as well.

“Right now we will have a lot more-more of this in the future. ... Including right now [a] New York State legislator,” Lin said, according to the transcript. “[T]here are, uh, some-some, uh who speak negatively about China. ... The people who always speak up, you need to pay attention to them. If possible-possible to get some information, then this side will hold you in very high regards in the future.”

Authorities did not identify the intended victim, but their description resembles that of veteran dissident Xiong Yan, who participated in the 1989 protests in Tiananmen Square, became a U.S. citizen and served in the U.S. Army in Iraq. Yan is running for Congress in New York’s 1st District on Long Island. Media reports Wednesday quoted him as saying he had first heard about the case from journalists.

Prosecutors charged Lin with interstate harassment and the illegal use of identity information. Lin had come to New York to meet with the private investigator, who was not identified, in the past, but he is now believed to be in China, prosecutors said.

Olsen said the FBI arrested two Long Island men at the heart of a second case Tuesday: Fan “Frank” Liu, a wealthy U.S. citizen who runs a media company in New York, and Matthew Ziburis, a former Florida corrections officer turned professional bodyguard. The pair’s alleged exploits show the kind of resources that Beijing is accused of pouring into cross-border repression. Ziburis earned more than $100,000 for stalking dissidents in California, Indiana and Thailand last year while Liu, who hired and directed him, received more than $3 million from accounts based in Hong Kong, according to a criminal complaint.

The two men were hired by an intermediary for the Chinese government to discredit prominent dissidents, prosecutors said. The targets included the sculptor of a statue titled “CCP Virus,” which depicted the coronavirus with the face of Xi, the complaint alleges. The suspects instructed a private investigator to bribe an Internal Revenue Service official to provide them with the artist’s tax records in hopes of finding damaging information, authorities said. In reality, the private investigator was cooperating with the FBI and there was no IRS official, authorities said.

To gain access to the targets, the conspirators devised elaborate cover stories, with Ziburis presenting himself variously as an art broker and a journalist, according to the complaint. Their equipment allegedly included a GPS tracker, secret microphones and a surveillance camera that provided a live feed monitored in China. Prosecutors charged Qiang Sun, a China-based employee of an international technology company, with serving as an intermediary between the Chinese government and the U.S. suspects. He remains at large.

The charges in the case include acting as illegal foreign agents, attempted bribery of a federal official and interstate stalking.

The final case detailed Wednesday highlights another trademark of Chinese spymasters: the long game.

The investigation centers on Shujun Wang, 73, a military historian and former college professor who has been prominent in dissident circles for almost two decades. Wang first came to the United States as a visiting scholar in 1993 and became a naturalized U.S. citizen in 2003, authorities said. Three years later, he was among a group of leading Chinese dissidents who founded the Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang Memorial Foundation in the Chinatown area of Flushing, Queens. Wang served as secretary general of the foundation named for two reformist figures of the Chinese Communist Party.

But by then, authorities say, Wang was already a highly placed mole who had infiltrated the movement in New York.

“Emails, chat communications, WANG’s own admissions and other evidence show that, beginning at least in or about 2005, while acting under the direction and control of [People’s Republic of China] and MSS officials, WANG reported to the MSS information about Chinese dissidents and members of the Chinese democracy movement in the United States and elsewhere,” the complaint says.

Wang operated under the direction of four senior MSS officers whom he has identified in questioning by FBI agents, the complaint says. He allegedly filed meticulous reports in face-to-face meetings during visits to China, via a messaging app, and in “diaries” that he wrote in draft emails accessed by his handlers. It is not clear when the FBI first began investigating him, but the complaint details alleged crimes beginning in 2016.

Wang’s communications, according to the complaint, show he focused on the top targets of the authoritarian regime: those involved in the causes of Tibet, Taiwan, the Uyghurs, Hong Kong and the pro-democracy movement. He allegedly kept the MSS informed about conversations, meetings, protests and other activities in granular detail.

“In a March 2019 diary entry, WANG listed possible speakers and attendees at a Tiananmen Square massacre memorial protest in New York,” the complaint says. “According to WANG, one speaker identified by name was to deliver an ‘hour long’ speech and describe his feelings ‘without any reservations.’ WANG further stated that he had not heard from a well-known Taiwan democracy organization; that nothing dramatic occurred at a 50th birthday party in Flushing which 80 people attended; that a known anti-Chinese Communist Party protestor would likely attempt to block Xi Jinping’s car when Xi visited President Trump at Mar-a-Lago in Florida; and that people in New York were not enthusiastic about ‘the democratic movement’ because the Tiananmen Square protesters were too old now.”

Wang also helped shadow a well-known leader of the Hong Kong democracy movement, reporting to the MSS about meetings and telephone calls with him, the complaint says. Hong Kong authorities arrested the activist last year.

FBI agents arrested Wang Wednesday on charges of acting as an illegal foreign agent, misusing identity information and making false statements. Although the unmasking of a seasoned leader might seem devastating, many of Wang’s associates had had suspicions for years, said Chen, the Queens dissident.

“People told me to be careful around him,” Chen said. “He was seen as an active spy. It was a public secret. In our circle, we have known he was being monitored by the FBI for some time.”

Dissidents had suspected Wang because of his ability to travel frequently to China without being arrested or bothered by the authorities there, Chen said. They believed he had frequent contact with officials at the Chinese consulate in New York as well, Chen said. They reported him to the FBI, kept their distance and waited, knowing that U.S. counterintelligence agencies can also play the long game.

If the FBI keeps looking, it will find similar Chinese repression operations going on around the country, Chen predicted. He named the likely hotbeds: San Francisco, Los Angeles, Houston, Atlanta.

The newly announced cases are “the tip of the iceberg,” he said. “But it’s a good step. Very good step. I applaud it.”

In an initial court appearance Wednesday, Liu denied the allegations through an interpreter. He, Ziburis and Wang were released on bond. Their lawyers did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

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by Sebastian Rotella

We’re Releasing the Data Behind Our Toxic Air Analysis

3 years ago

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

Today ProPublica is releasing the data behind our investigative series “Sacrifice Zones,” which revealed more than 1,000 hot spots of cancer-causing industrial air pollution around the country. Researchers can now download the principal data files behind our investigation from our Data Store.

The data that we used for the analysis is based on the Environmental Protection Agency’s Risk Screening Environmental Indicators model, a tool that estimates concentrations of toxic chemicals in the air around industrial facilities. ProPublica mapped and published this information for the first time, giving readers a neighborhood-level view of their estimated cancer risks from industrial air pollution.

We are releasing three geographic files: one for the perimeters of each of the toxic hot spots identified in ProPublica’s analysis (hot spots are defined as contiguous grid squares with estimated excess cancer risk above 1 in 100,000); one containing the grid squares within each of those hot spots; and one containing the point locations for facilities included in our analysis. Users are encouraged to read our methodology and watch our guide for investigating hot spots before working with these files to better understand the strengths and limitations of RSEI data.

We are also updating our interactive map in two important ways.

First, we have updated the data files and map with corrections for errors in EPA’s data. The RSEI model relies on data from the Toxic Releases Inventory, a federal database containing emissions information submitted annually by companies operating large industrial facilities in the U.S. As we revealed in our series, the EPA does a poor job of verifying the accuracy of the industry-reported data in the TRI. Before we published the map, we independently fact-checked data from and contacted 200 facilities in our analysis to ensure that they had submitted correct emissions data for the five-year period of our analysis. While many companies responded to our inquiries, a number did not get back to us by our deadline. After we published, we heard from additional companies that wished to correct the TRI data reflected in our map. We also corrected the locations for a small number of facilities.

Second, we added Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands to the map. In doing so, we identified three new hot spots, which are included in our data update.

Do You Live Near an Industrial Facility? Help Us Investigate.

by Lylla Younes and Al Shaw

Lawmakers Approve Payments to Parents of Children Who Died of Catastrophic Brain Injuries

3 years 1 month ago

This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the Miami Herald. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

In a legislative session highlighted by culture war battles and redistricting, Florida lawmakers gave a measure of mercy to a group of parents whose children died of catastrophic birth-related brain injuries.

Following up on action taken last year, the Legislature voted to give $150,000 stipends to parents whose children were once enrolled in a state program called the Birth-Related Neurological Injury Compensation Association, or NICA, but had been dropped from the rolls when the children died.

Families of surviving NICA children received identical stipends last year as part of a comprehensive slate of reforms, but the families of children who died were left out, even though some had spent themselves into poverty trying to keep their children alive.

The reforms were implemented after a series of stories by the Miami Herald and ProPublica documented how parents in NICA had to beg for help from the program, which was supposed to provide “medically necessary” care to certain children left severely disabled by oxygen deprivation or spinal injury at birth. Parents complained that they had to plead, often in vain, for medication, specially equipped vans, in-home nursing care and home modifications, to which they were entitled under the NICA statute.

In addition to the $150,000 supplement, last year’s reform package provided a $40,000 increase in the program’s death benefit, a $10,000 annual stipend for family mental health care, an increase in the lifetime subsidy for home modifications from $30,000 to $100,000, and money for wheelchair-accessible vans, among other things.

Advocates claimed the reforms didn’t go far enough, and Sen. Lauren Book, a Democrat who leads her party in the upper chamber, filed a bill this year with several provisions designed to rectify that.

The bill, however, failed to secure a single sponsor in the House of Representatives, and Senate leaders declined to present it to any of the three committees to which it was assigned.

Supporters of the bill, including NICA’s current director, Melissa Jaacks, persuaded lawmakers to include a few provisions in a separate, sprawling bill that modified the statute governing the state Department of Health. The most significant measure was the one-time $150,000 payment to the families whose children had died.

The Health Department legislation that passed, which still must be signed by Gov. Ron DeSantis, also bolsters NICA’s ability to collect dues from doctors who are required to help financially sustain the program.

An August 2021 report by the Florida Auditor General, an independent watchdog who reports to the Legislature, said that, since 2016, administrators failed to collect more than $14.4 million in delinquent assessments from doctors. NICA staff told auditors that it didn’t make financial sense for the agency to collect from doctors individually but that it would file batches of lawsuits against them. No lawsuits had been filed since January 2018, the audit said.

Lawmakers created NICA in 1988 in response to demands from doctors who claimed high medical malpractice premiums were driving them from practicing medicine in Florida. The law immunized obstetricians from the consequences of a bad outcome by precluding families from filing malpractice suits. In exchange, parents were steered into NICA.

Obstetricians who participate in the program must pay $5,000 annually in order to be granted immunity from lawsuits. Other doctors licensed in the state are required to pay $250 each year to support the program, and hospitals pay $50 for every live birth. The assessments are invested, helping the fund grow.

The Herald-ProPublica series documented how NICA had amassed nearly $1.7 billion in assets while denying or delaying care to children who suffered profound brain damage at birth — often as the result of negligence.

To parents like Ruth Jacques of Orlando, who was prevented from holding anyone responsible for the 2018 death of her son, Reggie, this year’s legislation is a long-overdue acknowledgment of her pain.

“I am sad about my son,” she said. “I am strengthened to know that the voices of a few can be so loud.”

After her story was told by the Herald, Jacques attended NICA board meetings and spoke with state insurance regulators seeking to include the parents of deceased children in the ongoing NICA reform.

“It gives me hope for tomorrow,” said Jacques, who has given birth to two sons since Reggie died. “It is this strength and perseverance that I wish to leave as my kids’ greatest legacy.”

Providing the $150,000 supplement to parents like Jacques had been the “number one legislative priority” for NICA administrators after Book’s reform bill failed to gain any traction, Jaacks said. Still, the director added, there is much unfinished business, and “we will absolutely pursue additional legislation next year.”

Jaacks was hired in October​ when the program’s then-director, Kenney Shipley, resigned amid pressure. (Shipley has declined comment.) Jaacks and the new NICA board, brought in after the Herald-ProPublica investigation, are considering whether to extend to the parents of deceased children another benefit from last year: allowing them to have their mental health care covered.

“What these families have been through should never have happened,” Jaacks said of the 209 families who lost a child as a consequence of a birth injury.

Leanne Lewis, 28, of Keystone Heights, about 25 miles from Gainesville, lost her son, BradyJ Lee Yarbrough, on April 20, 2019. Brady had been born with severe brain damage and had suffered unrelenting seizures as a consequence.

Like Jacques, Lewis attended several meetings with NICA’s new director and worked for months to convince lawmakers that her suffering was no less real than that of parents whose living children still are clients.

“We begged them to view us as parents and to stop viewing our children as just another case,” Lewis said. “We wanted them to see us as human beings, not as a dollar sign. We cried to them.”

The supplement, she said, can never compensate her for her loss. But it will help her get on with her life.​

“There are 209 families that are going to be reminded that their children have not been forgotten,” Lewis said. “When your child dies, the only thing you want from other people is to remember them.”

by Carol Marbin Miller and Daniel Chang, Miami Herald

Washington State Budgets $1.6 Million for Study and Removal of Toxic Lights

3 years 1 month ago

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Washington state lawmakers are set to dedicate $1.5 million to removing toxic fluorescent lights from schools and another $125,000 to studying environmental hazards and creating new standards to protect students from exposure to harmful substances.

In requesting the funding, lawmakers cited an investigation by The Seattle Times and ProPublica into a Seattle-area campus where children and staff were exposed to a combination of harmful conditions, including elevated levels of polychlorinated biphenyls, or PCBs, a banned chemical that the Environmental Protection Agency has linked to cancer and other illnesses.

More than 200 students, parents and teachers at the Sky Valley Education Center in Monroe filed lawsuits claiming they developed cancer, brain damage, hormonal problems and other illnesses after exposure to PCBs on campus. Two of the lawsuits have resulted in extraordinary jury awards against Monsanto, the manufacturer of the chemicals, totaling nearly $250 million to 11 people. At least 15 lawsuits are pending.

The school district knew as early as 2014 that PCBs were leaking into classrooms from aging fluorescent lights but were slow to respond to the unfolding crisis, The Times and ProPublica reported.

The Legislature’s proposed budget, agreed upon by the state House and Senate on Wednesday but awaiting the governor’s approval, allocated $125,000 to the University of Washington’s Department of Environmental and Occupational Health Sciences to review policies on environmental conditions in schools. The research will cover several contaminants, including PCBs, lead, asbestos and mold. The study is due in December.

“These are first steps,” said Democratic state Rep. Gerry Pollet, one of a handful of lawmakers who pushed for the funding. “If we have a report to the Legislature in December, we will have a first look at what standards need to be adopted to protect children’s health in schools, how to remediate, and from there we will learn how much we need to fund.”

Another $1.5 million is earmarked for the state departments of education and ecology to remove fluorescent lights known to contain PCBs; the substance was banned by the EPA in 1979 but is suspected to linger in building materials and light fixtures in aging campuses across the country.

Those same lights leaked oily PCB liquids into classrooms at Sky Valley, releasing the chemical into the air and onto surfaces. At that campus alone, it cost more than $1.6 million to remove PCB-laden material, including carpets, furniture and air filters.

The goal is to replace the fluorescent lights with energy-efficient alternatives, which will save school districts money in the long run, said state Rep. Alex Ramel, a Democrat who also pushed for the funding after reading the Times’ reporting. Replacing the lights is “the lowest-hanging fruit there is,” he said. “It would make sense even if they weren’t leaking toxins into schools.”

Pollet acknowledged that the proposed budget’s $1.5 million won’t cover the full cost of removing the toxic materials from schools. But he called the funding an “urgent, easy Band-Aid” and the first of many steps.

In addition to the funding, lawmakers proposed giving the Washington State Board of Health power to take action on classroom contamination.

The proposal would have reversed a rule that bars the board of health from creating and enforcing rules relating to conditions in school buildings — an exclusion that is unique to schools. That language was withdrawn in the late stages of negotiations and did not make it into the latest budget.

“What’s crazy is the board of health can adopt a rule protecting people from exposure to contaminants in state government buildings, for example, but not in schools,” Pollet said.

Though the board of health is responsible for maintaining safe conditions on campuses, the agency can’t take action without the Legislature’s approval.

This gap and others allow contaminants to fester in schools across the state.

At Sky Valley, health inspections repeatedly flagged hazards on campus as early as 2014 and made recommendations to fix the problems. But over the years, the levels of PCBs climbed, even after multiple cleanup attempts, state and federal environmental documents revealed.

Under Washington state law, however, health districts aren’t required to enforce any recommendations they make after inspecting schools. Likewise, school districts aren’t required to act when inspections find certain toxic chemicals, a gap reported in the Times’ and ProPublica’s investigation and later cited in the state budget requests.

Though the budget language doesn’t address these specific shortcomings, the proposal describes the study as a precursor to changing “policies and standards in Washington schools.”

In the Sky Valley lawsuits, juries awarded 11 parents, teachers and students a collective $247 million in verdicts against Monsanto. Other Sky Valley families are bringing similar cases, one of which is currently at trial.

Bayer, which acquired Monsanto in 2018, denied the allegations both in the lawsuits and in a statement to The Times. The company is appealing the jury verdicts.

The Monroe School District, which serves about 6,000 students, agreed to a $34 million settlement with parents and students exposed to PCBs, court documents filed last month revealed. The extraordinary settlement was filed under a court seal and is the maximum allowed under the school district’s insurance policy. The settlement amounts to about a third of the district’s entire operating budget.

In court documents, the Monroe School District defended its actions at Sky Valley, saying it communicated problems to parents and addressed PCBs appropriately. The filing notes that Washington law only broadly mandates that schools maintain safe conditions, but “none of these requirements are specific to PCBs in building materials.”

In a statement to The Times, the district said it supports legislative interest in strengthening testing and remediation standards in schools, adding that those efforts are “more effective when the legislature also provides funding.”

The school district continues to clear Sky Valley of PCBs under the guidance of the EPA, which hasn’t yet given the school a clean bill of health after eight years of remediation efforts. School district records show, however, that the latest testing on campus, conducted by a district contractor in August, found only minor levels of the chemical.

by Lulu Ramadan, The Seattle Times

How the Russian Invasion of Ukraine Upended Germany

3 years 1 month ago

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This story was co-published with The New Yorker and is exempt from our Creative Commons license until Sept. 11, 2022.

Last October, I sat in the office of Klaus Emmerich, the chief union representative at the Garzweiler brown-coal mine in western Germany, as he shared his misgivings about the country’s celebrated plan to stop burning coal. Germany’s build-up of renewable energy was lagging and, given that coal accounts for more than a quarter of its total electricity supply, that meant it would have to rely on another energy source for the time being: natural gas, which came mostly from Russia. “We’re giving ourselves over to the Russians,” Emmerich told me. “I have a bad feeling about it.”

Five months later, Emmerich’s premonitions have borne out, powerfully. President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine has unleashed civilian and military carnage, ravaged cities and sent some two million people fleeing the country. As its effects have rippled across Europe and the world, one consequence has gone underexamined: The invasion has upended the political and economic policies of Germany, where the government has reconsidered its long-planned energy transition; undone a congenial political stance toward Russia that lasted for half a century; and reversed a policy of military minimalism that dates to the end of the Second World War. In many ways, Germany has rethought its place in the world — all in two weeks.

At the heart of the shift is Germany’s dependence on Russian fossil fuels, which until recently was not seen as problematic by German leaders. Quite the opposite: It was part of a deliberate, decadeslong effort by Germany to maintain comity with the huge, nuclear-armed neighbor with whom it fought in two bloody 20th century wars. Germany chose its dependence on Russia because it saw the economic links created by fuel imports — physical links, in the form of pipelines through Eastern Europe and under the Baltic Sea — as integral to keeping peace and integrating Russia into the rest of Europe.

On Feb. 22, Germany’s new chancellor, Olaf Scholz, announced a curtailment to that dependence on Russian energy. The country was halting Nord Stream 2, a new gas pipeline from Russia that would be capable of providing Europe with 55 billion cubic meters of gas per year at a time when the rest of the Continent’s gas production is declining. Not only would this leave Germany without a crucial source for its energy supply, it was an admission that the strategy of “Ostpolitik” — accommodation with Russia — that Scholz’s center-left Social Democratic Party had embraced, at least in spirit, for more than 50 years, was a failure.

On Feb. 27, Scholz made an even more stunning declaration. After having already decided to send heavy weaponry to Ukraine, Germany would vastly increase its defense spending — making it, by one estimate, the third-largest military spender in the world, after the U.S. and China — and shift its entire posture toward military engagement. “President Putin created a new reality with his invasion of Ukraine,” Scholz said. “This new reality requires a clear response. We have given it.”

The following day, Finance Minister Christian Lindner told the broadcaster ARD that Germany would now “get one of the most capable, most powerful armies in Europe, one of the best-equipped armies in Europe in the course of this decade.” More than 75 years after the Nazis were vanquished, Germany would allow itself to think and act as a regional power again, complete with pride in its military capability. Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, a senior member of the historically pacifist-inclined Green Party, said, “If our world is different, then our politics must also be different.” It is hard to overstate the magnitude of this shift, which has left many Germans in shock. “I don’t think I’ve seen anything like it in my political life,” Thomas Kleine-Brockhoff, the vice president of the Berlin office of the German Marshall Fund think tank and a former senior government adviser, told me. “It’s staggering.”

Ostpolitik, or “eastern policy,” dates back to Willy Brandt, who led the Social Democrats (known by their German acronym, the SPD) into power in West Germany in 1969. His embrace of detente and diplomatic outreach to East Germany and the Soviet Union was born of a combination of pragmatism in the face of a nuclear-armed threat, guilt over the Nazis’ unfathomable destruction on the Eastern Front and a desire to show at least some independence from the country’s chief ally and protector, the United States.

With the fall of the Berlin Wall and the unraveling of the Soviet Union, the policy was widely judged a rousing success, credited by many Germans with having helped bring about the end of the Cold War. “Germans thought that because the Wall came down peacefully, that Ostpolitik was right,” Kristine Berzina, also with the German Marshall Fund, told me. “Their lived experience was that those relations led to the right outcome, and that meant that making sure that the gas keeps flowing was paramount not only for the German economy but that it was the right strategic decision.” To Berzina and others, though, this was an inaccurate and fateful misremembering of Ostpolitik and an overstatement of its role in the fall of the Iron Curtain.

The policy depended both on diplomacy and military strength, according to Jan Behrends, a loyal SPD member who has served on the party’s historical commission. In Behrends’s view, Brandt was no “hippie peacenik”; he was a Cold Warrior who had, in the late 1940s, lived through the Soviet blockade of Berlin. In 1970, when Brandt paid his first state visit to Moscow, West Germany was spending more than 3% of its GDP on the military and had half a million people under arms. “They took him seriously because Brezhnev looked at him and saw that he was head of the most important fighting force in Western Europe,” Behrends, a historian at the European University Viadrina, in eastern Germany, said.

After the fall of the Soviet Union, Germany kept up with Ostpolitik, and the country’s military spending slipped below 1.5% of GDP, even as signs mounted that Russia was on an alarming trajectory under Putin, who, in the 1990s, levelled Grozny, in Chechnya, and presided over a regime that saw disturbing numbers of dissidents persecuted and journalists murdered. Germany further expanded its energy ties with Russia. Angela Merkel, whose center-right Christian Democrats won the 2005 election and led a coalition government with the SPD, agreed to carry on with the construction of the first Nord Stream. The SPD chancellor she unseated, Gerhard Schröder, became chairman of the subsidiary overseeing construction of the pipeline, in which Russia’s Gazprom held a 51% stake.

As chancellor, Merkel defended the country’s investment in Russian energy even as more ominous signs emerged: Putin’s speech at the 2007 Munich Security Conference decrying the expansion of NATO, Russia’s bombardment of Georgia in 2008, its annexation of Crimea and fueling of the conflict in Ukraine’s Donbas region in 2014, the murder of the opposition leader Boris Nemtsov in Moscow. (One disturbing episode even occurred inside Germany. In 2019, a Georgian citizen was killed by a bike-riding assassin, alleged to be a former colonel in the Russian intelligence service, in broad daylight in a park in Berlin.)

Yet Germany’s dependence on Russian fossil fuels only increased. After the Fukushima disaster in 2011, Merkel committed to closing all of Germany’s nuclear plants in a little more than a decade. At the time, nuclear energy was providing nearly a quarter of the country’s electricity. “When we closed down nuclear, they must have drunk champagne in the Kremlin,” Behrends said. “That’s when we gave up our energy sovereignty.”

Behrends doesn’t just blame Merkel. In 2014 and 2015, the U.S. essentially deputized the German chancellor to handle its Russia policy during negotiations in Minsk to end the fighting in the Donbas region. (Merkel grew up in East Germany, where Putin worked for the KGB, and speaks Russian. Among journalists, she was known as the “Putin whisperer.”) “Why did they outsource their Russia policy to Merkel and trust her so much?” Behrends asked. “If the U.S. had sat at the table, they would have carried much more weight, but they weren’t there.”

In hindsight, Germany’s complacency toward Putin’s abuses and consolidation of power looks feckless. But there was little public appetite in Germany for confrontation. Behrends described Merkel’s soft stance as a form of “silent populism.” She sensed that the Germans, basking in peace and prosperity, would not support upending the status quo. “She was popular with Germans because she didn’t disturb their need for Bequemlichkeit, their comfort zone,” he told me.

Looming above all, of course, was the boundless shame of the Third Reich, which left many Germans intent on moral repentance. Within the country, there has long been a divide over what this repentance should entail, roughly aligned in two camps: those who believe Germany should never permit itself to return to totalitarianism (“never again dictatorship” or “never again Auschwitz”), and those who believe Germany should never engage in any war, full stop. With a few exceptions, such as Germany’s limited participation in NATO’s operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan, the “never again war” camp has held sway.

Germany was further restrained by a regional political dynamic that came into play post-reunification. Former East Germans, who had endured the Red Army’s depredations at the end of the Second World War in ways that the rest of the country had not, were deeply wary of antagonizing Russia. Some also felt betrayed by western Germany for having abandoned its promises of vast economic aid in the east following reunification, which created some sympathy for Putin’s claims to having been cheated by the West.

Olaf Scholz is an unlikely figure to lead Germany’s abrupt break with its postwar maxim, “Es gibt keine militärische Lösung” — “there is no military solution.” This past summer, when I saw him speak at a campaign rally in Berlin, he struck me as a politician in the mold of an old-fashioned Midwestern Democrat, like Ohio’s Sen. Sherrod Brown: progressive but measured, comfortable in his own skin, self-effacing, motivated above all by domestic concerns. (Like Brown, Scholz spoke often of restoring “respect” to the non-college-educated workers who had been drifting away from his party.) There was barely any mention of Russia, or foreign policy in general, during the campaign’s televised debates.

Scholz assumed the chancellorship in December, and his allies sent more weapons to Ukraine. Germany was ridiculed for promising only helmets. As the U.S. prepared sanctions against Russia, Germany equivocated on the fate of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline.

Russian President Vladimir Putin, left, and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz during their talks in the Kremlin on Feb. 15 (Mikhail Klimentyev, Sputnik, Kremlin Pool Photo via AP)

On Feb. 15, Scholz visited Putin at the Kremlin. The experience of listening “to Putin unplugged,” for hours likely helped transform Scholz, Kleine-Brockhoff said. “He got a good education from Vladimir the Great.” A week later, Putin recognized the two separatist regions in Ukraine, and Russian forces invaded. Behrends’ SPD sources have told him that Scholz discussed the substance of his landmark speech on military spending with few beyond his closest advisers, which made for good theater in the Bundestag: Members who might have decried such a major shift were caught unaware and were carried along from applauding Scholz’s generalities about supporting Ukraine to applauding rhetoric whose import registered too late.

After the speech, applause poured in from Germany’s allies, too. A little more than three decades after Margaret Thatcher and François Mitterrand warned against German reunification, the leaders of the Western alliance were a generation removed from living through the Second World War and German military aggression. Their countries, the U.S. and others were desperate for Western Europe’s largest country to step up. “It represents the moment when Germany became comfortable — and found it inevitable — to become a military power, and when others around Germany became comfortable with that decision,” Kleine-Brockhoff said. “That was the momentous thing. You could hear the cheers from Paris and Warsaw. You could see the smiles from London and Washington.”

Scholz’s military shift calls for an immediate expenditure of a hundred billion euros on the armed forces and, in years ahead, a return to spending more than 2% of GDP on defense. Reaching the 2% threshold would meet Germany’s commitment to NATO. (Putin’s actions might achieve what former President Donald Trump’s browbeating never did.)

Notably unresolved, though, is how Germany plans to survive with much less of the Russian fossil fuels it has sought all these years. According to Bloomberg, the country now relies on Russia for two-thirds of its natural gas, half its coal and nearly a third of its oil. Extending reliance on nuclear energy won’t be an easy stopgap. Last fall, energy experts told me that prolonging the life of Germany’s three remaining nuclear plants wasn’t feasible; once the process of closing starts, it’s difficult to reverse. On Tuesday, Economy Minister Robert Habeck, a member of the Green Party, ruled out a nuclear extension.

The country could delay its exit from coal, but that would imperil its goals for sharply reducing carbon emissions. And electricity production is far from the only concern: Natural gas is used to make fertilizer and, crucially, for home heating in the winter. So assured had Germany been in its Russian pipelines that it is only now building two terminals on the North Sea to receive liquefied natural gas from other countries. The terminals will take at least two years to complete, and the gas itself will likely be far costlier. (The European Union, as a whole, announced plans this week to reduce annual imports of Russian natural gas by two-thirds.)

Berzina, of the German Marshall Fund, told me that the most immediate concern will be buying enough natural gas this summer to put in storage for next winter, at what will likely be painfully high prices. Beyond that, the country will need to invest heavily in switching as many households as possible from gas boilers to electric heating sources, which she said could cost thousands of dollars per home. To provide the energy for that additional electricity, she added, the country should reconsider its opposition to nuclear power, an aversion stemming from a combination of deeply rooted naturalist conceptions of the inviolability of German soil and Cold War-era fears about being caught in the middle of a nuclear war. “The moral imperative of Ukraine now outweighs this,” she told me.

That would represent a dramatic turnabout, but at the pace of current transformation in Germany, one shouldn’t rule out anything. During a recent forum, Kleine-Brockhoff was challenged by a participant who wanted to know how Germany could swing, in a matter of days, “from appeasement to brinkmanship.” “My answer is that it’s because it was so long in coming,” Kleine-Brockhoff told me. “Because the domestic debate lingered for years and got nowhere. Until the breaking point, and the breaking was the invasion.” He went on: “In the end, a democracy will defend itself and stand for democratic values. That I never doubted. The question is, would it come too late?”

by Alec MacGillis

Infamous Russian Troll Farm Appears to Be Source of Anti-Ukraine Propaganda

3 years 1 month ago

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Just before 11 a.m. Moscow Standard Time on March 1, after a night of Russian strikes on Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities, a set of Russian-language Twitter accounts spread a lie that Ukraine was fabricating civilian casualties.

One account created last year, @Ne_nu_Che, shared a video of a man standing in front of rows of dark gray body bags that appeared to be filled with corpses. As he spoke to the camera, one of the encased bodies behind him lifted its arms to stop the top of the bag from blowing away. The video was taken from an Austrian TV report about a climate change demonstration held in Vienna in February. But @Ne_nu_Che claimed it was from Ukraine.

Four Russian-language Twitter accounts posted a video that they claimed showed Ukrainian media had faked reports of civilian casualties. It is actually an unrelated clip from an Austrian TV report in February. The accounts were later removed by Twitter for violating its platform manipulation and spam policy. (Screenshots captured by ProPublica)

“Propaganda makes mistakes too, one of the corpses came back to life right as they were counting the deaths of Ukraine’s civilians,” the tweet said.

Eight minutes later, another account, @Enot_Kremle_Bot, tweeted the same video. “I’M SCREAMING! One of the ‘corpses’ came back to life during a segment about civilian deaths in the Ukraine. Information war is reaching a new level,” they said.

Two other accounts created last fall within a few days of @Enot_Kremle_Bot soon shared the same video and accusations of fake civilian casualties. “Ukrainian propaganda does not sleep,” said one.

The Twitter profiles are part of a pro-Putin network of dozens of accounts spread across Twitter, TikTok and Instagram whose behavior, content and coordination are consistent with Russian troll factory the Internet Research Agency, according to Darren Linvill, a Clemson University professor who, along with another professor, Patrick Warren, has spent years studying IRA accounts.

The IRA burst into the American consciousness after its paid trolls used thousands of English-language accounts across social media platforms to influence American voters during the 2016 presidential election. The IRA was at the center of a 2018 Department of Justice criminal indictment for its alleged effort to “interfere with elections and political processes.”

“These accounts express every indicator that we have to suggest they originate with the Internet Research Agency,” Linvill said. “And if they aren’t the IRA, that’s worse, because I don’t know who’s doing it.”

An analysis of the accounts’ activity by the Clemson Media Forensics Hub and ProPublica found they posted at defined times consistent with the IRA workday, were created in the same time frame and posted similar or identical text, photos and videos across accounts and platforms. Posts from Twitter accounts in the network dropped off on weekends and Russian holidays, suggesting the posters had regular work schedules.

Many of the accounts also shared content from facktoria.com, a satirical Russian website that began publishing in February. Its domain registration records are private, and it’s unclear who operates it. Twitter removed its account after being contacted by ProPublica.

Russian Twitter Accounts That Disseminated Propaganda Posted Mostly During Working Days

While Twitter sees relatively constant use throughout the week, these accounts posted mostly during Russian working days.

Note: Data includes posts on Twitter from 28 accounts identified in the Clemson Media Forensics Hub and ProPublica analysis as exhibiting coordinated or bot-like behavior. The accounts were removed by Twitter. Source: Twitter. (Jeff Kao/ProPublica)

The pro-Putin network included roughly 60 Twitter accounts, over 100 on TikTok, and at least seven on Instagram, according to the analysis and removals by the platforms. Linvill and Warren said the Twitter accounts share strong connections with a set of hundreds of accounts they identified a year ago as likely being run by the IRA. Twitter removed nearly all of those accounts. It did not attribute them to the IRA.

The most successful accounts were on TikTok, where a set of roughly a dozen analyzed by Clemson researchers and ProPublica racked up more than 250 million views and over 8 million likes with posts that promoted Russian government statements, mocked President Joe Biden and shared fake Russian fact-checking videos that were revealed by ProPublica and Clemson researchers earlier this week. On Twitter, they attacked jailed Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny and blamed the West for preventing Russian athletes from competing under the Russian flag in the Olympics.

Late last month, the network of accounts shifted to focus almost exclusively on Ukraine, echoing similar narratives and content across accounts and platforms. A popular post by the account @QR_Kod accused the Ukrainian military of using civilians as human shields. Another post by @QR_Kod portrayed Ukraine as provoking Russia at the behest of its NATO masters. Both tweets received hundreds of likes and retweets and were posted on the same day as the body bag video. At least two Twitter accounts in the network also shared fake fact-checking videos.

Twitter accounts such as @QR_Kod shared memes that echo propaganda spread domestically by Russian state media. @QR_Kod was later removed by Twitter for violating its platform manipulation and spam policy. (Screenshots captured by ProPublica)

The findings indicate that professionalized trolling remains a force in domestic Russian propaganda efforts and continues to adapt across platforms, according to Linvill.

“I can’t stress enough the importance of understanding the way that this is a tool for Putin to control narratives among his own people, a way for him to lie to his own people and control the conversation,” Linvill said. “To suggest that the West is blanketly winning this information war is true only in some places. Putin doesn’t have to win the information war, he just has to hold his ground. And these accounts are helping him do that.”

After inquiries from ProPublica, all of the active accounts were removed from TikTok, and nearly all were suspended by Twitter. Meta said it removed one Instagram account for violating its spam policy and that the others did not violate its rules. None of the platforms attribute the accounts to the IRA. Twitter and TikTok said the accounts engaged in coordinated behavior or other activity that violated platform policies.

A TikTok spokesperson said the initial eight accounts shared with it violated its policy against “harmful misinformation.” TikTok removed an additional 98 accounts it determined were part of the same pro-Putin network.

“We continue to respond to the war in Ukraine with increased safety and security resources to detect emerging threats and remove harmful misinformation,” said a statement provided by the company. “We also partner with independent fact-checking organizations to support our efforts to help TikTok remain a safe and authentic place.”

A Twitter spokesperson called the roughly 60 accounts it removed “malicious” and said they violated its platform manipulation and spam policy, but declined to be more specific. They said the company had determined that the active accounts shared by ProPublica had violated its policies prior to being asked about them. Twitter decided to leave the set of 37 accounts online “to make it harder for bad actors to understand our detections,” according to the spokesperson.

The accounts were removed by Twitter within 48 hours of ProPublica contacting the company about them. The week before, Twitter removed 27 accounts that the Clemson researchers also identified as likely IRA accounts.

“Our investigation into these accounts remains ongoing, and we will take further action when necessary,” said a statement from a Twitter spokesperson. “As is standard, when we identify information operation campaigns that we can reliably attribute to state-linked activity, we will disclose this to the public.”

Twitter declined to offer more details on why it left roughly 30 accounts that it identified as violative online to continue spreading propaganda. It also declined to comment on connections between the roughly 60 accounts in this recent network and the hundreds of accounts flagged by Linvill and Warren last spring as possible IRA profiles. Linvill said he identified the recent accounts largely based on their commonality with the previous set of 200.

“I connect these current accounts to the ongoing activity over the course of the past year by carefully tracking accounts’ tactics, techniques and procedures,” he said.

Platforms may be hesitant to attribute activity to the IRA in part because the agency has adapted and made its efforts harder to expose, according to Linvill. But he said social platforms should disclose more information about the networks it removes, even if it can’t say with certainty who is running them.

“In every other area of cybersecurity, dangerous activity from bad actors is disclosed routinely without full confidence in the source of the activity. We name and disclose computer viruses or hacker groups, for instance, because that is in the public interest,” he said. “The platforms should do the same. The Russian people should know that some sophisticated and well-organized group is covertly using social media to encourage support for Putin and the war in Ukraine.”

The Internet Research Agency is a private company owned by Yevgeny Prigozhin, a Russian entrepreneur known as “Putin’s Chef.” Prigozhin is linked to a sprawling empire ranging from catering services to the military mercenary company Wagner Group, which was reportedly tasked with assassinating President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. The IRA launched in St. Petersburg in 2013 by hiring young internet-savvy people to post on blogs, discussion forums and social media to promote Putin’s agenda to a domestic audience. After being exposed for its efforts to influence the 2016 U.S. election, the IRA attempted to outsource some of its English-language operations to Ghana ahead of 2020. Efforts to reach Prigozhin were unsuccessful.

But it never stopped its core work of influencing Russian-speaking audiences. The IRA is part of a sprawling domestic state propaganda operation whose current impact can be seen by the number of Russians who refuse to believe that an invasion has happened, while asserting that Ukrainians are being held hostage by a Nazi coup.

Prior to the invasion, accounts in the network identified by the Clemson Media Forensics Hub and ProPublica celebrated Russian achievements at the Olympics.

“They were deep in the Olympics, tweeting about Russian victories and the Olympics and how the Russians were being robbed by the West and not allowed to compete under their own flag,” Linvill said.

After the invasion began, they moved to unify people behind Putin’s war.

“It was a slow shift,” he said. “And this is something I’ve seen from the IRA before: When a significant world event happens, they don’t always know immediately how to respond to it.”

By late February, the network had found its voice in part by echoing messages from Russian officialdom. The accounts justified the invasion, blamed NATO and the West and seeded doubts about civilian death tolls and Russian military setbacks. When sanctions kicked in and Western companies began pulling out of Russia, they said it was good news because Russian products are better. (Two Twitter accounts in the network shared the same video of a man smashing an old iPad with a hammer.)

Accounts in the network responded to sanctions by posting videos disparaging Western products. (Screenshot captured by ProPublica)

“These accounts were sophisticated, they knew their audience, and they got engagement far surpassing the number of followers that they had,” Linvill said.

Paul Stronski, a senior fellow in the Russia and Eurasia Program at the Carnegie Endowment for Peace, reviewed content shared by more than two dozen of the Twitter accounts prior to their suspension. “A lot of this is the type of stuff I would expect from Russian trolls,” said Stronski, who reads and speaks Russian.

He said many of the accounts adopt an approachable and humorous tone to generate engagement and appear relatable to younger audiences present on social media.

“They’re very critical of prominent Russians who have criticized this war, questioning their patriotism,” Stronski said. “They’re saying in effect that during wartime you shouldn’t be criticizing your own. You should be lining up behind the state.”

When President Biden flubbed the pronunciation of “Ukrainians” during his recent State of the Union address, several of the accounts on Twitter, TikTok and Instagram shared the clip and mocked him. While that clip spread widely outside of the suspected IRA network as well, the accounts often spread more obscure content in coordination. Multiple Twitter accounts, for example, shared a screenshot of a Russian actor’s tweet that he cared more about being able to use Apple Pay than the war in Ukraine. The accounts criticized him, with one warning that “the internet remembers everything.”

Before the account takedowns, the Russian government had begun closing off the country from global social media and information sources. It restricted access to Twitter and blocked Facebook. The Russian legislature passed a law that allows for a 15-year sentence for people who contradict the official government position on the war. As a result, TikTok announced it would pause uploads of new videos in Russia.

Some of the accounts in the network saw the writing on the wall and prepared their audience to move to Telegram, a Russian messaging service.

“Friends! With happiness I'd like to tell you that I decided to make the t.me/enot_kremlebot channel, in which you will see analytics to the fullest extent. Twitter could block us any minute!” tweeted @Enot_Kremle_Bot on March 5. “I really don’t want to lose my treasured and close-to-my-heart audience! Go to this link and subscribe.”

Correction

March 11, 2022: This story originally misstated what TikTok communicated about its actions. The company said that after receiving ProPublica’s questions, it removed any active accounts it had been asked about, along with 98 others that the social media company linked to a pro-Russia network identified by ProPublica; TikTok did not decline to say how many accounts were removed.

by Craig Silverman and Jeff Kao

Shackles and Solitary: Inside Louisiana’s Harshest Juvenile Lockup

3 years 1 month ago

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This article was published in partnership with The Marshall Project, a nonprofit news organization covering the U.S. criminal justice system and NBC News. Sign up for The Marshall Project's newsletters, and follow them on Twitter, Instagram and Facebook.

Join the reporters for a live virtual event on March 24 for a behind-the-scenes look at how they got the story and discussion of the juvenile justice system more broadly.

ST. MARTINVILLE, La. — Lawyers and a judge gathered in an East Baton Rouge juvenile courtroom last October for an update on a teenager detained after joyriding in a stolen car. The teen appeared on a screen, alongside a caseworker who stunned everyone by describing conditions in the lockup where he was held.

The 15-year-old was being kept in round-the-clock solitary confinement. He was getting no education, in violation of state and federal law, nor was he getting court-ordered substance abuse counseling, according to two defense attorneys present. And no one in the room that day — not the judge, not the prosecutor, not the defense lawyers — appeared to have heard of the facility where Louisiana’s Office of Juvenile Justice was holding him, the Acadiana Center for Youth at St. Martinville.

“It was as if a secret prison had been opened up,” one of the attorneys, Jack Harrison, said. “I could see on the judge’s face both shock and real anger — visceral anger.”

They had no idea how bad it was.

Scrambling to respond to a wave of violence and escapes from other juvenile facilities, state officials quietly opened the high-security lockup last summer to regain control of the most troubled teens in their care. Instead, they created a powder keg, according to dozens of interviews, photo and video footage and hundreds of pages of incident reports, emergency response logs, emails and education records.

Though Louisiana policy considers solitary confinement for youths a rare last resort and many other states have placed strict limits on it because of the psychological harm it causes, teens in this facility, some with serious mental illness, were locked alone in their cells for at least 23 hours a day for weeks on end. They were shackled with handcuffs and leg irons when let out to shower, and they were given little more than meals slid through slots in their doors. Some teens took those brief moments of human contact to fling their feces and urine at the guards.

At least two of the teens in the facility harmed themselves so badly that they required medical attention. Some destroyed beds and shattered light fixtures, using the metal shards to hack holes in the cinder block walls large enough for them to escape.

Photos taken at the Acadiana Center for Youth at St. Martinville, Louisiana, by a staff member at the time show holes dug into cell walls. Youths detained there broke off ceiling light fixtures and used them to tunnel through the walls, according to the staffer and internal documents. (Obtained by The Marshall Project, NBC News and ProPublica) A teen broke through the concrete wall of his cell and escaped, according to an incident report logged by staff on Jan. 20. (Louisiana Office of Juvenile Justice)

“I got frustrated with the whole situation and refused to go back in the pod because of being scared,” one guard wrote in an October incident report after a night spent listening to banging on the walls. Her supervisor, she wrote, advised her “to keep all doors closed secure in case they get out because it was only two female workers,” noting that he did not check the cells because he “did not have enough manpower to do it.”

On several occasions, guards responded to transgressions with violence, according to incident reports obtained through a public records request. Three slammed door hatches on teens’ hands. One struck a boy with his knee and fired pepper spray into a teen’s cell, leaving him coughing and vomiting.

“This is child abuse,” said Mark Soler, executive director at the Center for Children’s Law and Policy, a public interest group based in Washington; he previously served on a Louisiana task force reviewing care at the state’s juvenile facilities. “It’s outrageous that children should be held under conditions where they are locked in their room for most of the day and held in shackles when they exit. It is cruel to the children, and it is far outside accepted professional standards.”

Carmen Daugherty, the policy director at Youth First Initiative, an advocacy organization that seeks to end the incarceration of youth, called the conditions at St. Martinville “egregious.”

“It’s like you put all of the things that we talk about that are so wrong with our youth justice system and you put it in one facility,” she said.

The last two decades have brought enormous change to the U.S. juvenile justice system: Almost every state slashed the number of incarcerated young people by half or more, favoring probation, therapy and community programs for all but those who commit the most severe crimes. But as states lock up fewer children, many are struggling to care for the ones left behind, the most troubled among an already marginalized group that is disproportionately Black and facing complex psychological and social issues.

Some states have addressed these youths by “wrapping them pretty tight” with therapy, education and family involvement, said Candice Jones, former director of juvenile justice in Illinois. “The programs and services we’re providing them need to be the best.” But many states have fallen short. In recent years, the U.S. Department of Justice has investigated abuses in juvenile facilities in Texas, South Carolina and other places, including the overuse of solitary confinement and restraints, and insufficient rehabilitation and education.

“Story after story emerging from juvenile systems reveal that agencies around the country don’t have a good handle on how to manage their most challenging youth,” said Michele Deitch, a juvenile justice expert at the University of Texas at Austin. “They’re just throwing up their hands and saying: ‘We’ve exhausted our options. We just don’t know what to do.’”

Louisiana holds about 350 youths, more than 80% of whom are Black, in secure facilities; it has promised for decades to move its lockups toward a more therapeutic model. But like many states, it has failed to fully fund or commit to the new approach. That, combined with a debilitating staff turnover caused by low pay and dangerous conditions, has meant staff haven’t been properly trained to prevent the violence and chaos that has erupted.

Watch video ➜

St. Martinville was designed to be a “transitional treatment unit” for “youth who demonstrated an inability or unwillingness to discontinue violent and aggressive acts,” said Office of Juvenile Justice spokeswoman Beth Touchet-Morgan.

Of the 31 teens who have been transferred to St. Martinville for behavioral reasons since it opened, 21 have “successfully” been returned to other facilities, she said. (Louisiana also sent more than 50 teens to St. Martinville for COVID-19 quarantine.) The spokeswoman said that while the staff works to minimize situations requiring physical interventions, they may be necessary to ensure safety. She did not comment on specific altercations, but she said the department reviews incidents and holds staff members accountable if they violate policy, subjecting them to disciplinary action and sometimes requiring additional training. The agency rejected reporters’ requests to tour the facility, and several staff members said they’d been instructed not to talk to the media.

Perry Stagg, the Office of Juvenile Justice’s assistant secretary, confirmed that St. Martinville did not initially provide education but denied the accounts from teens and their lawyers that those detained had been confined all day and shackled when they left their cells. The agency’s policy, he said, is to keep youths unrestrained when they are out of their cells, unless they are acting violently or disruptively. Stagg said St. Martinville has been providing substance abuse counseling and recreation, and he suggested that the teens who said that they were denied those services were either lying or had opted out.

“It’s up to the child to participate,” he said. “We can’t force them to participate, but it’s absolutely available.”

While conditions have improved in recent months, with some — but not all — teens now allowed out of their cells during the day, and math and English instruction now being offered, the facility is still providing less education than the law requires and youths are still being shackled when they leave the common area in front of their cells, according to state records, teens and their families and attorneys.

The young people locked up in St. Martinville have committed serious crimes. The eight whose stories were shared with ProPublica, The Marshall Project and NBC News include boys who had stolen cars and guns and escaped from multiple lockups. One teen broke a guard’s arm in a fight at a previous facility.

But unlike at adult prisons, the goal of the juvenile justice system is not to punish youths for violating the law but to help them go on to lead productive lives. This is especially significant, experts and advocates say, given that Black youths are already overrepresented at every step of the criminal justice process.

“These are still kids,” said Amy Borror, an analyst at the Gault Center, a juvenile justice nonprofit. “They’re scared, they’re mad, they’re confused, they’re away from their homes. And if anybody knows how to deal with them it should be a department of juvenile justice. That’s why they exist. That’s their job.”

Known as the lockup capital of the world, Louisiana has relied heavily on solitary confinement for both adults and teens. Officials have long understood that the state needs to move away from discredited methods of punitive juvenile detention; in the late 1990s, the U.S. Justice Department sued the state, noting concerns that ranged from physical abuse to excessive use of handcuffs and solitary confinement.

The federal government dismissed the suit in 2006 after a series of reforms and the promise of others. But the rollout was hampered by aggressive budget cuts, and the Office of Juvenile Justice is still having a hard time recruiting correctional workers, who start at less than $27,000 a year. Hiring has been so difficult that staffers don’t get the necessary training to work with deeply troubled youths and soon leave, experts and local officials said. The result is that, although the state has come a long way since detained teens were showing up at hospitals with broken fingers and jaws, its detention centers have logged hundreds of fights each year. Pandemic-related lockdowns and isolation further strained resources and frayed nerves.

Louisiana officials once again came under scrutiny last year following the 2019 suicides of two teens held in solitary confinement at a youth facility in Ware. A legislative committee in May asked its auditor to investigate the use of solitary in state facilities; that investigation has not yet been completed.

Current state policy caps the use of solitary confinement at 12 hours at a time in most cases, and seven days for “highly disruptive” behavior. The American Medical Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics and the United Nations have all condemned the practice of isolating young people as deeply harmful, leading to depression, anxiety and psychosis. Studies show the majority of kids who die by suicide in lockups are, or recently were, in isolation.

At least 24 states and the federal government have placed strict limits on the use of solitary confinement for young people. The U.S. Department of Justice has intervened in at least a dozen cases involving state and local juvenile justice agencies in the last decade to make clear that overuse of solitary confinement for juveniles is unconstitutional.

And yet, when Louisiana’s Office of Juvenile Justice faced a crisis last year, it fell back on isolation.

In audio from inside St. Martinville provided by the former staff member, teens scream and bang on their cells. The photo shows the facility’s exterior. (Bryan Tarnowski for NBC News, The Marshall Project and ProPublica)

In May, youths at the Swanson Center for Youth overtook guards and gained control of the facility. The next month, teens barricaded themselves at Swanson, all but destroying it. Officials needed a place to put the state’s most challenging teens — and fast, so Bill Sommers, the agency’s deputy secretary, said he approached Gov. John Bel Edwards about opening a new facility. While home-like dormitory settings are considered best practice for juvenile detention, the agency leased a 24-cell jail from the St. Martin Parish sheriff where teens could be held in individual cells, according to internal emails.

“We have some youth in our care that are not therapy ready and are not wanting to go down the same path as others, and we don’t have the facilities nor the manpower to hold them in those dormitory settings,” Sommers told a juvenile justice commission last year. “St. Martinville was born out of necessity.”

The state signed a contract with the sheriff on July 26 and began moving in teens shortly after. While the Louisiana Department of Children and Family Services inspects and licenses juvenile group homes and detention facilities where youths are held when they’re first accused of crimes, only the Office of Juvenile Justice has authority over secure care facilities like St. Martinville where teens are placed after they’ve been sentenced. A legislative task force described this “glaring gap in oversight” in 2019, recommending that an outside agency inspect the facilities. But nothing has changed.

Stagg said the facility was intended as a temporary fix until a new, more secure area at Swanson is completed next year. “If we can get them to a more isolated setting, it allows us to separate these kids, offer individual services, work with them one-on-one, provide mentoring, build relationships and try to work with them to get them to a place where we can put them back in a general population setting where they can participate and not be disruptive,” he said.

There was no relationship-building in those first few months, according to youths at the facility, their lawyers, family members and a former staff member. “You’re in your cell all day,” said Rashad, who was 15 when he arrived at St. Martinville last summer after trying to escape from another lockup, where he’d been sent after joyriding in a stolen car. He had only the thin sheet on his bed and the clothes he’d been issued, which did not include socks, he said. He had no books, no paper, no pencils.

“You have to have a strong mind,” said Rashad, who is being identified by his middle name to protect his privacy. “You can’t think about it. If you think about it, it will make you sad.”

Experts say that treating kids like hardened criminals is inhumane and, in some cases, unconstitutional. It’s also counterproductive, often leading to more bad behavior. As teens at St. Martinville began to destroy light fixtures and beds, officials cleared out the cells, a former staffer said in an interview, speaking on the condition of anonymity out of fear of repercussions for future jobs.

“These kids were in their cells with no beds on a concrete floor with a state-issued green mattress — flame retardant — a blanket and a sheet and nothing else. No light. No nothing,” the former staffer said. “Feces were being thrown every single day, multiple times a day. Not a surface in those pods has not had feces on it.”

In October, word of the conditions began to seep beyond St. Martinville’s walls.

In the East Baton Rouge court hearing, which was held to check on Rashad’s progress, his lawyers and Judge Gail Grover were told he was being held in solitary confinement and wasn’t receiving court-ordered services including education, substance abuse counseling and prescribed medication. “My jaw dropped,” said Peter Dudley, Rashad’s lawyer. “You’ve got a child that we’re supposed to be trying to rehabilitate. He’s basically being housed like a death row inmate.”

Grover declined to discuss specifics of the case because of laws requiring privacy in juvenile proceedings, but she did say it was the first time she’d held the juvenile justice agency in contempt of court for its treatment of a teen. She ordered Rashad’s immediate release from state custody and told the agency to start providing education. “I give orders because I believe the young people need the services that I’m ordering,” Grover said. “It should be complied with unless there’s a reason.”

Around the same time, the Louisiana Center for Children’s Rights filed a complaint with the state Education Department about the lack of instruction in the facility three months after it opened. “It’s a clear violation of the law,” said Rachel Gassert, the organization’s policy director. “To open a facility without making sure you have everything set up that you need to provide for kids is very concerning.”

The state Department of Education, which oversees instruction in juvenile facilities, and the Louisiana Special School District, which provides services to children with disabilities in state facilities, said they didn’t learn about the new facility until the fall, months after it opened. The Special School District said it didn’t begin providing services, as required by state and federal law, until Dec. 17.

“We were basically in emergency mode,” Stagg said about the lack of education originally offered. “That wasn’t something we were just being negligent on. It took time to put together.” When asked about the other issues raised in the contempt hearing, Stagg said he didn’t recall specific details but said teens have been provided with all required services.

Rebecca McDonald in her son’s bedroom in Glenmora, Louisiana. The 16-year-old boy is being held at St. Martinville, where he told his mother, “I’m not getting any kind of mental stimulation. ... I’m going crazy.” (Bryan Tarnowski for NBC News, The Marshall Project and ProPublica)

Even now, however, education still falls short of state law, which requires six hours of daily instruction. Attorneys and advocates who represent two teens who were held in St. Martinville this winter said one met his teacher just once and the other had 45 minutes of online instruction per day. One waited two weeks before he saw a counselor. The other saw a counselor for half an hour a week.

Officials trying to bring education to St. Martinville have run up against staffing challenges in a tight labor market, Stagg said. His agency settled the education complaint in January, agreeing to hire an independent monitor to keep tabs on instruction and provide advocates with biweekly updates on their compliance with state and federal education law.

A mid-January update showed that a teacher had been providing two hours of in-person instruction a day in math and two hours in English language arts. But that ended when the teacher, an 84-year-old retired educator, went on medical leave at the end of January; he has since died, and while the agency says it has made efforts to hire a new teacher, he had not been replaced as of last week. Recent education updates also noted that instruction has been limited by teens refusing to participate, staff shortages and technical glitches.

The incident reports suggest that the use of solitary confinement eased toward the end of the year, but shackling and some isolation continued amid assaults and fights. A December incident sent a guard to the hospital bleeding from the head. Two teens escaped in January and two more in February. One managed to smuggle a gun into the facility. By late fall, teens were starting to attend classes, go outside for recreation and watch movies, according to incident reports and other internal documents.

Family photographs of McDonald’s son when he was younger. As of late February, the teen had been held in solitary confinement for at least a month, his mother said. (Bryan Tarnowski for NBC News, The Marshall Project and ProPublica)

But without meaningful treatment and engagement, the teens remained idle and frustrated, according to lawyers and parents. Rebecca McDonald’s 16-year-old son is in state custody after being caught stealing a car. He bounced between juvenile lockups and residential facilities for the better part of a year and wound up in St. Martinville, where she said he told her: “I’m not getting any kind of mental stimulation. I can’t even talk to you. I’m going crazy.”

Over the winter, he was involved in an escape at St. Martinville that resulted in him facing new charges. After that, officials stopped letting him out of his cell, he said. As of late February, he had been held in solitary confinement for at least a month, according to his mother.

“He needs somewhere that can help him mentally, that can set him up with some schooling, that he can accomplish something. Not fend for yourself,” McDonald said. “He’s 16 years old, he’s been in a lot of trouble. He needs someone to set him on the right path. ... If they don’t teach them anything else, they won’t learn anything else.”

When asked about the conditions at St. Martinville, the governor’s spokesperson, Christina Stephens, said that state agencies face the same staffing struggles that other employers do, “and it becomes even more challenging in this case because of the difficulty of the task at hand.” The governor is “concerned about the safety and treatment of the youth who are there and the staff that run the facility,” she said.

State Rep. Royce Duplessis, a New Orleans Democrat who chairs the juvenile justice oversight commission, said: “Clearly these facilities are underresourced. They’re undermanned.”

He added, “We need to make sure the guards are paid and these are not facilities that kids want to tear up and jump on the guards and just be destructive.”

An old baseball jersey belonging to McDonald’s son hangs in his empty bedroom. (Bryan Tarnowski for NBC News, The Marshall Project and ProPublica)

Duplessis filed a bill last week that would restrict the use of solitary confinement in juvenile facilities to four hours at a time, require authorities to promptly notify the youth’s parents and attorney and require the juvenile justice agency to track its use.

There’s no place for facilities like St. Martinville, argues Dayshawn, a mother from New Orleans whose teenage son spent weeks there last year. Diagnosed with bipolar disorder and treated in a psychiatric facility as a child, he was arrested at 13 for stealing a car. He spent years in juvenile lockups and was moved to St. Martinville after an escape attempt. “He needs therapy. He needs treatment,” said Dayshawn, who is being identified by her middle name to protect her son’s privacy. “You all are not giving him that. You’re just locking him up.”

She worries that Louisiana is setting her son up to commit more crimes.

“He is going to come back in the world and do the same thing.”

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Zinhle Essamuah of NBC News contributed reporting.

by Annie Waldman, ProPublica; Beth Schwartzapfel, The Marshall Project; and Erin Einhorn, NBC News

Southwestern States Make Changes to Welfare After ProPublica Investigations

3 years 1 month ago

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

Across the Southwest, states are reconsidering how they approach welfare, with several legislatures enacting or considering new laws to ensure that more assistance is made available to low-income families struggling to afford rent, child care, groceries and diapers. The moves follow months of ProPublica reporting on punitive and outdated welfare policies in this part of the country and come amid a yearslong surge in the region’s cost of living.

In New Mexico, Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham on Wednesday signed into law a budget that will allow an estimated $6.96 million in child support to go directly to children instead of to the government. Until now, the state had intercepted these dollars as reimbursement for the custodial parent previously having received welfare, as ProPublica reported in September.

All of that money will now go to kids in poverty.

In Arizona, lawmakers introduced a bill in February that would, among other provisions, increase the amount of cash assistance available to poor parents and keep adjusting it for inflation going forward. The legislation would also extend the limit — currently the shortest in the nation — on the number of months that these families can receive aid.

Advocates said the potential reforms were directly informed by ProPublica’s reporting on a mom in Phoenix named Arianna Bermudez who was cut off from welfare assistance that she desperately needed to be able to afford child care — only to have welfare funding instead be used to help pay for an investigation of her parenting. (Her son was removed from her care for more than six months, even though she was not accused of of child abuse or neglect.)

And in Colorado, a bill was introduced late last month that would make several similar changes, including removing restrictive barriers to accessing cash aid and increasing monthly payments, in part to reflect how rents and prices have been increasing in that state, as they have been around the Southwest.

The New Mexico policy shift is the most dramatic one, and it has been in the works since last year. Making sure that the child support is actually going to children is an administration initiative, according to Nora Meyers Sackett, the governor’s press secretary.

ProPublica’s investigation of this issue found that single mothers applying for public assistance in New Mexico, which has one of the highest child-poverty rates in the U.S., first have to reveal under penalty of perjury who fathered their kids and the exact date when they got pregnant, among other deeply personal details. The state then uses that information to pursue child support from the dads — and pockets much of the money it collects, sharing a large portion with the federal government.

The 1996 welfare reform law signed by then-President Bill Clinton encouraged states to recoup money spent on public assistance in this way, and most states still do it.

It may take several months for the change to take effect, likely until July, according to Jodi McGinnis Porter, a spokesperson for the New Mexico Human Services Department. The fixes that still need to be made, she said, include updates to the state child support computer system and informing the federal government that the new policy is in place.

Arizona, for its part, has been a national outlier in its punitive approach to applicants for public assistance. Only 6% of families in poverty in the state are able to access cash aid, and if they do get help, the amount — $278 a month for a family of three — is one of the lowest in the country.

That’s partly because, during the Great Recession over a decade ago, Arizona started redirecting the majority of its welfare funding to its Department of Child Safety, which investigates parents and in many cases removes their children. Often those under investigation are poor and could have better supported their kids if provided cash assistance.

But the new legislation, which would aim to increase benefits back to pre-Recession levels, is unlikely to pass the Republican-led, fiscally conservative state Legislature. No lawmakers have explicitly come out against the bill yet, but in the past, efforts to expand government programs for the poor have routinely failed in Arizona.

Meanwhile, Utah Gov. Spencer Cox was asked at a December news conference about the restrictive welfare policies that ProPublica investigated in his state. Our reporting found that the Utah Department of Workforce Services has an agreement with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints to count a percentage of the church’s charitable work as the state’s own welfare spending, as a way of spending less state money on public assistance.

The department does not appear to have proposed any changes to that policy and did not respond to a request for comment.

by Eli Hager

Using Facebook’s Own Data to Understand the Platform’s Role in Jan. 6

3 years 1 month ago

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. This story was originally published in our data newsletter, which you can sign up for here.

Imagine you’re a journalist and you receive a collection of tens of millions of posts from more than 100,000 Facebook groups. You think there’s got to be a story — maybe several — in that cache. But how do you find it?

A team of reporters from ProPublica and the Washington Post was faced with just such a problem in June, when the newsrooms obtained a unique dataset on Facebook groups compiled by CounterAction, a firm that studies online disinformation.

Computational journalist Jeff Kao and reporter Craig Silverman from ProPublica, along with Jeremy B. Merrill and Craig Timberg from The Washington Post, found that between Election Day 2020 and the Jan. 6 siege of the Capitol, Facebook groups exploded with at least 650,000 posts attacking the legitimacy of Joe Biden’s victory.

The four journalists’ reporting provides some of the clearest evidence yet that Facebook was an important source of misinformation that led to the Jan. 6 attack. Here’s a look at how they did it.

Reporters started with a collection of data on public Facebook groups CounterAction had been monitoring because members had posted links to websites with a strong connection to U.S. politics, or because the groups had members in common with other groups CounterAction was already monitoring. (The dataset did not include private Facebook groups, which are closed to everyone except their members.) This included up to 18 months’ worth of posts from each group. The dataset was so massive, a personal computer simply couldn’t process it; the reporting team had to run its analyses on the cloud.

Reporters initially just wanted to know what the data could tell them about how Facebook was treating political groups on its platform. They consulted with experts and sources, then analyzed the dataset in various ways, looking for patterns. As the summer of 2021 came to a close, Jeff and Craig found something promising.

They saw a spike in the rate at which Facebook removed groups from the platform right before the election, a dramatic drop-off after the election and then another spike again around Jan. 6. The first spike in group removals seemed to show Facebook was capable of efficiently removing misinformation when it was determined to.

For example, reporters identified more than 300 QAnon groups in the CounterAction dataset. All had been removed by October 2020, when Facebook announced a total ban of QAnon.

Note: QAnon-related Facebook groups were identified from a sample of roughly 100,000 public Facebook groups. Only groups with 10 or more posts are shown. Source: A ProPublica-Washington Post analysis of public Facebook group data collected by CounterAction. (Chris Alcantara and Kate Rabinowitz/The Washington Post)

But the speedy removals can be largely credited to a group task force within Facebook’s Civic Integrity Unit, which, according to former members, was disbanded soon after the election.

Facebook banned Stop the Steal groups on Nov. 5, 2020, but the rate of group removals appeared to drag after the election.

As rioters stormed the Capitol, Facebook was again taking down groups at a rate not seen since before the election.

With this in mind, the reporters narrowed their focus to the period between Election Day and Jan. 6, and made a point to look at Stop the Steal groups specifically, since they had a clear connection to the Jan. 6 attack.

Slowly but surely, the investigation was beginning to take shape.

Note: Removal dates for each group are estimates based on when groups became inactive. Political Facebook groups were identified from a sample of roughly 100,000 public Facebook groups. Only groups with 10 or more posts are shown. Source: A ProPublica-Washington Post analysis of public Facebook group data collected by CounterAction. (Chris Alcantara and Kate Rabinowitz/The Washington Post) Why Facebook Groups?

Misinformation on Facebook isn’t limited to groups. But the reporters had reason to believe they were a promising starting point.

For one thing, groups have been important to Facebook’s growth for a long time. The company has heavily promoted groups ever since Mark Zuckerberg made them his strategic priority in 2017. Jeff even remembers seeing ads for them on the New York City subway.

But they’re also one of the platform’s most toxic products.

Because of Facebook’s quest for engagement, Jeff explained, “many of the most popular groups are either clickbait content groups or political groups. And what’s politically engaging? It’s borderline bannable behavior.” In a March internal Facebook report, first published by Politico, Facebook identified “harmful” and “violating” narratives — content worth banning — as the “Worst of the Worst Hate,” “Violence & Incitement,” and “Vaccine Misinformation.”

“Facebook itself did a study saying when you set limits on what users should be allowed to see on the platform, the dynamics of the platform are such that people will walk right up to that line and try not to cross it,” Jeff said. The closer people can walk that line of prohibited content, like stoking political anger with misinformation, the farther their posts travel.

Source Image: Facebook’s Blueprint for Content Governance and Enforcement

Many of the 650,000 group posts reporters identified as challenging the legitimacy of Biden’s election fell into this category. Facebook’s own report warned that these harmful narratives may have had “substantial negative impacts including contributing materially to the capital riot and potentially reducing collective civic engagement and social cohesion in the years to come.”

Drew Pusateri, a spokesperson for Meta, Facebook’s newly renamed parent company, declined to comment on specific posts for our January story, but said the company does not have a policy forbidding posts or comments that attack the legitimacy of the election. He said Meta has a dedicated groups integrity team and an ongoing initiative to protect people who use groups from harm.

Whittling It Down

To zoom in on the political groups with harmful content, reporters had to get a more accurate number of groups within the CounterAction dataset that were actually political. Floating around amid, for example, QAnon and Biden voter groups, were groups of knitters or runners or other groups unrelated to politics that might have ended up being monitored by CounterAction because one member shared a political link during election season.

Tools like keyword searches, which freed reporters from reviewing each group by hand, still cast too wide a net. For example, a search for all the groups that included posts with the word “Trump” would still catch a lot of online chatter in groups that aren’t political. They needed a way to calculate the scale of the problem that didn’t require them to read through all 100,000 groups.

Enter machine learning.

Jeff said when he is trying to figure out if a problem is suited for machine learning, he uses something he calls the “intern test.” “If a reasonably competent intern that you hired off the street who had no prior knowledge could be trained to do it fairly quickly — you show them a few examples like: this is inciting violence, this is not — then the machine learning algorithms could probably do it to a specific accuracy,” Jeff explained, as part of my ex-intern soul died a little out of sheer irrelevance.

Sorting groups into political and non-political buckets passed the intern test.

But in order to teach the underpaid 19-year-old machine how to do it, the team first had to do their own grunt work to provide the examples.

Many of the groups in the dataset disappeared from public view during this project. Based on the groups’ content and the time they disappeared, reporters believed many were taken down by Facebook. More than 5,000 groups that contained meaningful activity (meaning more than 10 of their posts had been flagged by CounterAction) that the reporters analyzed were no longer online as of August 30, 2021. They hand-labeled the political ones: If a group’s name and description showed that it had been created to represent or discuss U.S. politics, or a social movement with strong ties to politics, it went in the “political” bucket. Ultimately, the reporters found about 2,500 of these groups, including those for the QAnon conspiracy theory, militia groups and the Stop the Steal movement.

These groups essentially became the machine’s study guide.

The machine (a text classification model in this case) combed through the remaining groups and compared their posts to those from the 2,500 political groups Jeff had already shown it. Then it predicted how likely each new group was to be political. If the model said there was more than a 50% chance a group was political, the group went into the “political group” bucket. The model identified over 27,000 likely political groups from posts between Election Day and Jan. 6.

Then, like any good teacher, the reporters checked the machine’s work.

They went through a sample of the groups themselves, and determined the model had a precision rate of about 79%, meaning a little over 1 in 5 of the groups that the machine identified turned out to be false positives.

A C+: Under different circumstances, that wouldn’t be anything to display on the refrigerator door.

But the reporters were perfectly happy with it. They didn’t need A+ work, just an estimate accurate enough to cut down the size of the dataset they were working with.

Finding Insurrection Posts in a Haystack

The reporters then enlisted some more help, this time a text-analysis technique called TF-IDF.

Basically, if you give it a bunch of text, TF-IDF will pull out all the words that are used the most often, with more weight given to the most unusual ones.

“Words like ‘the,’ or ‘a’ or ‘and — they don’t really tell you anything about the content of a post, so those would get massively downweighted,” Jeff said.

Reporters sorted for all the Facebook groups with “Stop the Steal” in their names, since these were groups they could be sure sought to delegitimize Biden’s victory.

Then they fed this collection of Stop the Steal groups into TF-IDF, at which point it scratched its head and asked, “Which words make a group a Stop the Steal group?”

It pulled a list of important identifying words or phrases, like “mail-in ballot fraud,” “stop the steal,” “every legal vote” and “treason.” Reporters picked through everything TF-IDF brought up and pulled out the terms that were meaningfully linked to election delegitimization theories; they found about 60.

They also found 86 terms that were linked to delegitimization theories, but only when they appeared alongside other terms. For example, “absentee ballots” on its own doesn’t suggest a post is toxic, but “absentee ballots” plus “fraud” does.

From there, the team did a keyword search based on the terms TF-IDF had identified, and came back with around 1.03 million posts that likely referenced delegitimization.

They again checked the program’s work by hand, going through a sample of the posts the keyword tool had surfaced and checking if they were actually related to election misinformation. The model had a precision rate of about 64%. (False positives included mainstream news articles about extremism, debunkings of fraud claims and references to other countries’ elections.)

To determine a rough number of delegitimizing posts, reporters multiplied the number of “likely” harmful posts (1.03 million) by the estimated proportion of actually toxic posts (64%).

Which brought them to their final estimate: more than 650,000 posts attacking the legitimacy of the 2020 election.

That number is almost certainly an undercount. As mentioned, this analysis only examined posts in a portion of all public groups, and did not include comments, posts in private groups or posts on individuals’ profiles.

Only Facebook has access to all the data to calculate the true total — and it hasn’t done so publicly.

by Brooke Stephenson

In the Ukraine Conflict, Fake Fact-Checks Are Being Used to Spread Disinformation

3 years 1 month ago

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On March 3, Daniil Bezsonov, an official with the pro-Russian separatist region of Ukraine that styles itself as the Donetsk People’s Republic, tweeted a video that he said revealed “How Ukrainian fakes are made.”

The clip showed two juxtaposed videos of a huge explosion in an urban area. Russian-language captions claimed that one video had been circulated by Ukrainian propagandists who said it showed a Russian missile strike in Kharkiv, the country’s second-largest city.

But, as captions in the second video explained, the footage actually showed a deadly arms depot explosion in the same area back in 2017. The message was clear: Don’t trust footage of supposed Russian missile strikes. Ukrainians are spreading lies about what’s really going on, and pro-Russian groups are debunking them. (Bezsonov did not respond to questions from ProPublica.)

Stills from a Russian-language video that falsely claims to fact-check Ukrainian disinformation. There’s no evidence the video was created by Ukrainian media or circulated anywhere, but the label at the top says the video is a “New Fake from Ukrainian media.” The central caption inaccurately labels the footage as “Kharkiv is again under attack by the occupants!” falsely attributing the claim to Ukrainian media. The lower caption correctly identifies the event as “Fire at the ammunition depot, the city of Balakliya, 2017.” (Screenshot taken by ProPublica)

It seemed like yet another example of useful wartime fact-checking, except for one problem: There’s little to no evidence that the video claiming the explosion was a missile strike ever circulated. Instead, the debunking video itself appears to be part of a novel and disturbing campaign that spreads disinformation by disguising it as fact-checking.

Researchers at Clemson University’s Media Forensics Hub and ProPublica identified more than a dozen videos that purport to debunk apparently nonexistent Ukrainian fakes. The videos have racked up more than 1 million views across pro-Russian channels on the messaging app Telegram, and have garnered thousands of likes and retweets on Twitter. A screenshot from one of the fake debunking videos was broadcast on Russian state TV, while another was spread by an official Russian government Twitter account.

The goal of the videos is to inject a sense of doubt among Russian-language audiences as they encounter real images of wrecked Russian military vehicles and the destruction caused by missile and artillery strikes in Ukraine, according to Patrick Warren, an associate professor at Clemson who co-leads the Media Forensics Hub.

“The reason that it’s so effective is because you don’t actually have to convince someone that it’s true. It’s sufficient to make people uncertain as to what they should trust,” said Warren, who has conducted extensive research into Russian internet trolling and disinformation campaigns. “In a sense they are convincing the viewer that it would be possible for a Ukrainian propaganda bureau to do this sort of thing.”

Russia’s Feb. 24 invasion of Ukraine unleashed a torrent of false and misleading information from both sides of the conflict. Viral social media posts claiming to show video of a Ukrainian fighter pilot who shot down six Russian planes — the so-called “Ghost of Kyiv” — were actually drawn from a video game. Ukrainian government officials said 13 border patrol officers guarding an island in the Black Sea were killed by Russian forces after unleashing a defiant obscenity, only to acknowledge a few days later that the soldiers were alive and had been captured by Russian forces.

For its part, the Russian government is loath to admit such mistakes, and it launched a propaganda campaign before the conflict even began. It refuses to use the word “invasion” to describe its use of more than 100,000 troops to enter and occupy territory in a neighboring country, and it is helping spread a baseless conspiracy theory about bioweapons in Ukraine. Russian officials executed a media crackdown culminating in a new law that forbids outlets in the country from publishing anything that deviates from the official stance on the war, while blocking Russians’ access to Facebook and the BBC, among other outlets and platforms.

Media outlets around the world have responded to the onslaught of lies and misinformation by fact-checking and debunking content and claims. The fake fact-check videos capitalize on these efforts to give Russian-speaking viewers the idea that Ukrainians are widely and deliberately circulating false claims about Russian airstrikes and military losses. Transforming debunking into disinformation is a relatively new tactic, one that has not been previously documented during the current conflict.

“It’s the first time I’ve ever seen what I might call a disinformation false-flag operation,” Warren said. “It’s like Russians actually pretending to be Ukrainians spreading disinformation.”

Stills from a Russian-language video that falsely claims to fact-check Ukrainian disinformation. There’s no evidence the video was created by Ukrainian media or circulated anywhere, but the label at the top says the video is “Fake Ukrainian media.” The captions on the left inaccurately label the footage as “A shopping center in Kyiv caught on fire after being hit by a Russian rocket,” falsely attributing the claim to Ukrainian media. The caption on the right correctly identifies the event as “Fire in Pervomais’k from 2021.” (Screenshot taken by ProPublica)

The videos combine with propaganda on Russian state TV to convince Russians that the “special operation” in Ukraine is proceeding well, and that claims of setbacks or air strikes on civilian areas are a Ukrainian disinformation campaign to undermine Russian confidence.

It’s unclear who is creating the videos, or if they come from a single source or many. They have circulated for roughly two weeks, first appearing a few days after Russia invaded. The first video Warren spotted claimed that a Ukrainian flag was removed from old footage of a military vehicle and replaced with a Z, a now-iconic insignia painted on Russian vehicles participating in the invasion. But when he went looking for examples of people sharing the misleading footage with the Z logo, he came up empty.

“I’ve been following [images and videos of the war] pretty carefully in the Telegram feeds, and I had never seen the video they were claiming was a propaganda video, anywhere,” he said. “And so I started digging a little more.”

Warren unearthed other fake fact-checking videos. One purported to debunk false footage of explosions in Kyiv, while others claimed to reveal that Ukrainians were circulating old videos of unrelated explosions and mislabeling them as recent. Some of the videos claim to debunk efforts by Ukrainians to falsely label military vehicles as belonging to the Russian military.

“It’s very clear that this is targeted at Russian-speaking audiences. They’re trying to make people think that when you see destroyed Russian military hardware, you should be suspicious of that,” Warren said.

There’s no question that older footage of military vehicles and explosions have circulated with false or misleading claims that connect them to Ukraine. But in the videos identified by Warren, the allegedly Ukrainian-created disinformation does not appear to have circulated prior to Russian-language debunkings.

Searches for examples of the misleading videos came up empty across social media and elsewhere. Tellingly, none of the supposed debunking videos cite a single example of the Ukrainian fakes being shared on social media or elsewhere. Examination of the metadata of two videos found on Telegram appears to provide an explanation for that absence: Whoever created these videos simply duplicated the original footage to create the alleged Ukrainian fake.

A digital video file contains embedded data, called metadata, that indicates when it was created, what editing software was used and the names of clips used to create a final video, among other information. Two Russian-language debunking videos contain metadata that shows they were created using the same video file twice — once to show the original footage, and once to falsely claim it circulated as Ukrainian disinformation. Whoever created the video added different captions or visual elements to fabricate the Ukrainian version.

“If these videos were what they purport to be, they would be a combination of two separate video files, a ‘Ukrainian fake’ and the original footage,” said Darren Linvill, an associate professor at Clemson who co-leads the Media Forensics Hub with Warren. “The metadata we located for some videos clearly shows that they were created by duplicating a single video file and then editing it. Whoever crafted the debunking video created the fake and debunked it at the same time.”

The Media Forensics Hub and ProPublica ran tests to confirm that a video created using two copies of the same footage will cause the file name to appear twice in the video’s metadata.

Joan Donovan, the research director of Harvard’s Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy, called the videos “low-grade information warfare.” She said they don’t need to spread widely on social media to be effective, since their existence can be cited by major Russian media sources as evidence of Ukraine’s online disinformation campaign.

“It works in conjunction with state TV in the sense that you can put something like this online and then rerun it on TV as if it’s an example of what’s happening online,” she said.

That’s exactly what happened on March 1, when state-controlled Channel One aired a screenshot taken from one of the videos identified by Warren. The image was shown during a morning news program as a warning to “inexperienced viewers” who might be fooled by false images of Ukrainian forces destroying Russian military vehicles, according to a BBC News report.

“Footage continues to be circulated on the internet which cannot be described as anything but fake,” the BBC quoted a Channel One presenter telling the audience.

At least one Russian government account has promoted an apparent fake debunking video. On March 4, the Russian Embassy in Geneva tweeted a video with a voiceover that said “Western and Ukrainian media are creating thousands of fake news on Russia every day.” The first example showed a video where the letter “Z” was supposedly superimposed onto a destroyed military vehicle.

Stills from a Russian-language video that falsely claims to fact-check Ukrainian disinformation. There’s no evidence the video was created by Ukrainian media or circulated anywhere, but the label at the top says the video is a “Ukrainian edit.” The top caption inaccurately labels the footage as “Ukrainians captured Russian equipment.” The lower caption correctly identifies the event as “Video of Ukrainian equipment 2019.” (Screenshot taken by ProPublica)

Another video that circulated on Russian nationalist Telegram channels such as @rlz_the_kraken, which has more than 200,000 subscribers, claimed to show that fake explosions were added to footage of buildings in Kyiv. The explosions and smoke were clearly fabricated, and the video claims they were added by Ukraininans.

Stills from a Russian-language video that falsely claims to fact-check Ukrainian disinformation. There’s no evidence the video was created by Ukrainian media or circulated anywhere, but the label in the middle of the images says “New Fake from Ukraine.” The caption at the top says “Urgent!” and inaccurately labels the footage as “Kyiv was attacked by the Russian army!” while falsely attributing the claim to Ukrainian media. The lower caption correctly identifies the image as “Kyiv 2017.” (Screenshot taken by ProPublica)

But as with the other fake debunking videos, reverse image searches didn’t turn up any examples of the supposedly manipulated video being shared online. The metadata associated with the video file indicates that it may have been manipulated to add sound and other effects using ​​Microsoft Game DVR, a piece of software that records clips from video games.

The fake debunking videos have predominantly spread on Russian-language Telegram channels with names like @FAKEcemetary. In recent days they made the leap to other languages and platforms. One video is the subject of a Reddit thread where people debated the veracity of the footage. On Twitter, they are being spread by people who support Russia, and who present the videos as examples of Ukrainian disinformation.

Francesca Totolo, an Italian writer and supporter of the neo-fascist CasaPound party, recently tweeted the video claiming that a Ukrainian flag had been removed from a military vehicle and replaced with a Russian Z.

“Now wars are also fought in the media and on social networks,” she said.

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by Craig Silverman and Jeff Kao

Billionaire-Backed Group Enlists Trump-Supporting Citizens to Hunt for Voter Fraud Using Discredited Techniques

3 years 1 month ago

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At a wedding hall in rural northwest Wisconsin, an evangelist hollered a question to an eager crowd of conferencegoers: “Who thinks Wisconsin can be saved?”

He was answered with enthusiastic whistles and cheers. The truth, he said, would be revealed. “We need transparency!”

The subject: the nation’s election systems. The preacher was among a group of conservative speakers, including politicians, data gurus and former military officers, who theorized on the mechanics of voter fraud in general — and specifically distrust in the voter rolls, the official lists of eligible voters.

“Voter rolls are very, very important to the process,” Florida software and database engineer Jeff O’Donnell told the gathering of 300 in late January in Chippewa Falls, deeming the rolls “the ground zero” of what he called Democratic plots to steal elections. The only way former President Donald Trump could have lost his reelection campaign in 2020, O’Donnell said in an interview, was if voter rolls had been inflated with people who shouldn’t have been able to cast ballots.

Ever since Trump failed to convince the world that he lost the 2020 election because of fraud, like-minded people across the country have been taking up the same rallying cry, revisiting that vote with an eye toward what will happen in 2022.

Now, a new group is stepping into a more conspicuous role in that world by providing easily accessible tools for people in Wisconsin, other Midwest battleground states and, eventually, the entire country to forge ahead with a quest to prove election irregularities.

Calling its work unprecedented, the Voter Reference Foundation is analyzing state voter rolls in search of discrepancies between the number of ballots cast and the number of voters credited by the rolls as having participated in the Nov. 3, 2020 election.

The foundation, led by a former Trump campaign official and founded less than a year ago, has dismissed objections from election officials that its methodology is flawed and its actions may be illegal, ProPublica found. But with its inquiries and insinuations, VoteRef, as it is known, has added to the volume in the echo chamber.

Its instrument is the voter rolls, released line by line, for all to see.

In early August, the foundation published on its website the names, birthdates, addresses and voting histories for 2 million Nevada voters, information that is normally public but only available on request, for a fee. It claimed to have found a significant discrepancy between the number of voters and the number of ballots cast, despite being warned by state election officials that its findings were “fundamentally incorrect.”

In the months since, VoteRef has reported similar discrepancies in rolls posted for 18 other states, including the 2020 election battlegrounds of Michigan, Georgia, Ohio and Wisconsin. Most recently, it added Texas. It intends to post the rolls of all 50 states by year’s end.

“Voter File Transparency site adds Michigan; large discrepancy found,” read a headline on a Dec. 6 press release put out by the organization, which is led by Gina Swoboda, a high-ranking officer in the Republican Party of Arizona.

The project is still in its early stages, and the people at the Chippewa Falls conference did not mention VoteRef specifically.

Still, the VoteRef initiative is an important indication of how some influential and well-funded Republicans across the country plan to encourage crowdsourcing of voter rolls to find what they consider errors and anomalies, then dispute voter registrations of specific individuals. Visitors to the VoteRef site are able to scroll through data on more than 106 million people in a free, easy-to-use format. The VoteRef data includes personal identifying information of every voter and the years they voted, but not how they voted.

People line up at a polling place in Franklin, Wisconsin, on Nov. 3, 2020. VoteRef has posted that state's voter rolls. (Chang W. Lee/The New York Times via Redux)

VoteRef’s methods have already led to pushback from state officials. The New Mexico Secretary of State believes posting data about individual voters online is not a permissible use under state law and has referred the matter to the state attorney general for criminal investigation.

And an attorney for the Pennsylvania Department of State notified VoteRef in January that state law prohibits publishing the voter rolls on the internet and asked that the data be removed. VoteRef complied.

ProPublica contacted election officials in a dozen of the states where VoteRef has examined voter rolls, and in every case the officials said that the methodology used to identify the discrepancies was flawed, the data incomplete or the math wrong. The officials, a mix of Democrats and Republicans, were in Colorado, Connecticut, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Wisconsin.

“The accuracy and integrity of Michigan’s election has been confirmed by hundreds of audits, numerous courts and a GOP-led Oversight Committee analysis,” said Tracy Wimmer, director of media relations for Michigan’s secretary of state.

“This is simply another meritless example of election misinformation being disseminated to undermine well-founded faith in Michigan’s election system, and from an organization led by at least one former member of the Trump campaign,” Wimmer said.

VoteRef, records show, is an initiative of the conservative nonprofit group Restoration Action and its related political action committee, both led by Doug Truax, an Illinois insurance broker and podcaster who ran unsuccessfully in the state’s GOP primary for the U.S. Senate in 2014.

A ProPublica review found that VoteRef’s origins and funders are closely linked to a super PAC predominantly funded by billionaire Richard Uihlein, founder of the mammoth Wisconsin-based packaging supply company Uline. A descendant of one of the founders of the Joseph Schlitz Brewing Company, Uihlein is a major Trump supporter and a key player in Wisconsin and Illinois politics. Among his political donations: $800,000 in September 2020 to the Tea Party Patriots political action committee, a group that helped organize the Jan. 6 rally that led to the Capitol insurrection.

Uihlein and his wife, Elizabeth Uihlein, have contributed in excess of $30 million combined over two decades to mainly Republican candidates on the state and local level, particularly in Illinois and Wisconsin, according to OpenSecrets, a nonpartisan organization that tracks campaign donor information. The total includes money given to groups that advocate on behalf of candidates as well as direct contributions.

Doug Truax during his unsuccessful 2014 campaign in Illinois for the Republican nomination for the U.S. Senate. VoteRef is an initiative of Truax’s nonprofit group Restoration Action and its political action committee. (Joe Lewnard/Daily Herald via AP Photo)

Voter rolls are public information, typically used by campaigns to identify potential supporters, target messages or persuade people to go to the polls. Journalists and some businesses also at times use the rolls for newsgathering or commercial purposes.

VoteRef has said its aim is to increase transparency in the elections process, echoing the language used to justify door-to-door address checks, painstaking ballot audits and other efforts that Trump supporters are continuing to employ to parse the 2020 election. To publicize the results of its analysis of ballot inconsistencies, it crafted press releases that then were parroted on sites that purport to be legitimate news outlets and were connected to a media network that received large sums of money from VoteRef.

“VoteRef is the beginning of a new era of American election transparency,” Swoboda, VoteRef’s executive director, said in its Nevada press release. “We have an absolute right to see everything behind the curtain.” 

Until a few months before the 2020 election, Swoboda, a resident of Scottsdale, a Phoenix suburb, was a professional in Arizona’s election system, working as the campaign finance and lobbying supervisor in the Arizona Secretary of State’s Office.

Swoboda then served as Election Day operations director for the Trump campaign in Arizona, according to a sworn court affidavit she gave in Arizona in November 2020 as part of Trump’s legal challenge to election results there. She described how she took complaints from people who thought poll workers allowed defective ballots to be submitted, in what later became known as “SharpieGate.” (Votes made with a Sharpie do count, the state said.)

She and others associated with VoteRef declined to be interviewed for this story. But Swoboda did respond via email.

“In each of the states we’ve researched to date, the election data math simply doesn’t add up,” she wrote. “That requires reform. We seek to spur this reform through the sustained spotlighting of inaccuracies or wrongdoing.”

Flawed Methodology

As of late February, VoteRef showed 431,173 more ballots cast overall than people credited by voter rolls with having participated in the 2020 election.

To those unschooled in the mechanics of elections, VoteRef’s approach could seem reasonable: Compare the total number of ballots cast in the Nov. 3, 2020 election with the number of current voters on the rolls who have recorded histories of having participated in the vote.

For example, the VoteRef table for Nevada shows 8,952 more ballots cast than individuals credited with voting, based on histories obtained in February 2021.

“Theoretically, these numbers should match,” VoteRef claimed in an August press release.

But there are valid reasons the numbers do not match. 

Nevada election officials explained it this way in a press release: “If ‘John Doe’ votes and has his ballot counted in Lander County, then moves to Mineral County, once he is registered in Mineral County, he will show no vote history because he has no vote history in Mineral County. The farther away from the election the data is acquired, the more it will have changed.”

In Connecticut, there were 1,839,714 ballots cast in 2020, according to VoteRef, but the group’s examination of voter histories in October, 2021, showed 1,802,458 people voting. VoteRef’s conclusion is that there was a discrepancy of 37,256 ballots.

But state election officials said that the registration database is “live,” and voting histories of those who moved out of state or died in the months after the election would have been removed from the rolls, accounting for the discrepancy.   

“The list is not a static list,” said Connecticut Secretary of State Denise Merrill. “It changes all the time.”

In Michigan, where VoteRef found a difference of more than 74,000 votes, an elections official said that state’s qualified voter file also constantly changes as it's updated, making the data the foundation relied on in late May 2021 — more than six months after the election — out of date.

In a recent email to ProPublica, Swoboda conceded as much.

“It's up to election officials who run election offices to reconcile their data, not the Voter Reference Foundation, which merely publishes their information in a consumer-friendly format,” she said. “Of course, our election experts are well aware of the time lag between certification and data pulls — we posted the documents online for all to see!”

Federal law requires that election supervisors make reasonable efforts to update voter lists, but provides leeway in how states carry out the task. The law prohibits administrators from removing people for simply not voting in repeated elections, unless notices go unanswered and officials wait for two federal election cycles before putting the voters on an inactive list.

Counties haven’t always done a good job, however, in maintaining the voter rolls, leading some people to distrust the system. One of VoteRef’s key aims is to task ordinary people with the chore of finding anomalies.

Scrutinizing Voter Rolls and Neighbors

In announcing the launch of its website, the Voter Reference Foundation touted it as a “first of its kind” searchable tool for all 50 states “that will finally give American citizens a way to examine crucial voting records.”

“Citizens will be able to check their voting status, voting history, and those of their neighbors, friends and others. They will be able to ‘crowd-source’ any errors,” the press release stated.

The group’s backers have encouraged scrutiny outside of one’s own household.

“With VoteRef.com you can find out who voted and who didn’t. Did your aunt who died 10 years ago ‘vote’ after she died? Did your ‘neighbor’ who moved to another state vote? Did 55 votes emerge from a five-unit apartment complex?” Jeffrey Carter, a partner in a venture capital group who earlier had appeared on Truax’s podcast, wrote on the newsletter site Substack in December. 

Matt Batzel, whose organization American Majority recently highlighted VoteRef’s efforts in Wisconsin, said in an interview with ProPublica that VoteRef’s vision is for citizens to detect and then report potential problems with the voter rolls, such as people who are registered to vote at vacant lots or unusually high numbers of votes coming from nursing homes.

Election experts say the type of work being done by VoteRef risks leading to further misinformation or being weaponized by people trying to undermine the legitimacy of the past election or give the sense that voter fraud is a more encompassing problem than it’s proven to be. Or it could be used to harass or intimidate valid voters under the guise of challenging their legitimacy. 

A woman votes in Columbus, Ohio, on Nov. 3, 2020. The Voter Reference Foundation has posted that state’s voter roll. (Maddie McGarvey/The New York Times via Redux)

Even without any clear evidence of fraud during the 2020 election, the vast, decentralized election system still is drawing scrutiny from those who believe that the system can be easily manipulated. At the daylong voter integrity conference in Chippewa Falls, speakers invoked war imagery, spoke of coverups, and urged people to “expose the tactics” of the political left. The group — saluted via video by Trump acolyte and MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell — is seeking to put like-minded individuals in vote-certifying secretary of state offices nationwide.

The voter rolls have been targeted, too, by others in Wisconsin, including special counsel Michael J. Gableman, a former state Supreme Court justice and Trump supporter who the state’s Republican Assembly speaker appointed in June to conduct a review of Wisconsin’s administration of the 2020 election. On March 1, Gableman released a report blasting what he called “opaque, confusing, and often botched election processes.”

Gableman urged the Legislature to consider legal methods to enable citizens or civil rights groups to help maintain election databases.

“As it stands, there is no clear method for individuals with facial evidence of inaccurate voter rolls to enter state court and seek to fix that problem,” he wrote. He envisioned a system that “could even provide nominal rewards for successful voter roll challenges.”

While information about voters is available in most states, it comes at a cost and with limits on how it can be distributed to avoid having some private information be easily accessible. 

In January, an official with the Pennsylvania Department of State wrote to Truax warning that it appeared that the Voter Reference Foundation had “unlawfully posted Pennsylvania-voter information on its website” and demanding that the organization “take immediate action” to remove the information.

Soon, Pennsylvania data disappeared from the website. Swoboda declined to answer questions about the matter. Attempts to reach Truax were unsuccessful.

In New Mexico, Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver also said the undertaking is not an allowable use of voter data. By state law, she said, the rolls can only be used for governmental or campaign purposes.

“Having voter registration data ‘blasted out across the internet’ violates state law limiting use of the voter rolls solely for campaign or government activities,” she said. In December, Toulouse Oliver’s office referred the matter to the state attorney general for investigation and possible prosecution.

Associates of the Voter Reference Foundation dismiss these privacy concerns.

"You are joking, right?” said Bill Wilson, chairman of the conservative-leaning Market Research Foundation of Fairfax, Virginia, which paid more than $11,000 to the state of Virginia in March 2021 for the voter roll data and shared it with the Voter Reference Foundation.

“Big tech, both political parties and big media have no interest or concern for privacy and have mountains of data on individuals that is shared and sold on an hourly basis. You called me at my home, after all.’’

Support in GOP Circles

Restoration Action/PAC describes itself on its website as an “effective dynamo against those trying to destroy our country.” It produces ads on behalf of state and national candidates, castigates Planned Parenthood, “biased liberal media” and “Big Tech” and advocates for fair elections.

Truax, the group’s head, frequently assumes the role of news anchor to host the First Right video podcast, interviewing far-right conservatives. In early June last year, he introduced his audience to VoteRef, telling them: “We helped create the organization, and we’ll have much more to say about it in the coming weeks.”

Gina Swoboda, left, who leads VoteRef, appears with Truax on his video podcast. (Screenshot via RestorationPAC, YouTube)

Richard Uihlein’s quiet role was essential. He’s been the primary funder of Restoration PAC since its inception in 2015, contributing at least $44 million, according to the data from OpenSecrets. In May 2021, Federal Election Commission records show, Uihlein donated $1.5 million to Restoration PAC. That same month, the Voter Reference Foundation was incorporated in Ohio.

Two weeks after the Uihlein donation, money started flowing from Restoration PAC to a media network that did some data procurement and analysis for VoteRef, with payments totalling more than $955,000 as of the end of 2021, the FEC records show.

The network, which includes Pipeline Media, is operated by Bradley Cameron, a Texas business strategist, state corporation records show. Brian Timpone is listed as a manager at Pipeline Media. He made headlines a decade ago after his firm, then called Journatic, came under fire for outsourcing hyperlocal news offshore using phony bylines.

In recent months, VoteRef has released press releases about its activities that have been turned into stories on sites owned by Metric Media, which Cameron leads, according to his online profile. The sites mimic legitimate news outlets but print press releases, shun bylines, do little to no original reporting and rely on automated data. “New website to publish which Arlington residents voted, did not vote in gubernatorial election,” read an Oct. 28 headline in the Central Nova News of Virginia, a Metric Media site.

Uihlein did not respond to calls or emails from ProPublica seeking comment. Cameron and Timpone also did not reply to messages seeking an interview.

Political figures with ties to Trump have been touting the efforts of VoteRef.

Among them: former Virginia Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli, an immigration hard-liner appointed by Trump to serve as acting head of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.

Cuccinelli now heads the Election Transparency Initiative, a Virginia organization opposed to expanding early voting or easing registration requirements. The initiative, a project of the conservative group Susan B. Anthony List, says it partners with The Heritage Foundation’s political arm.

Cuccinelli spoke in September to about 100 party loyalists at a gathering at a suburban Milwaukee hotel about how they could use the VoteRef tools and become involved in securing the elections process. 

Similarly, J. Hogan Gidley, former national press secretary for the 2020 Trump campaign, promoted the work of VoteRef on Philadelphia conservative talk radio before Christmas. 

“We’re doing some work with them, too. We know the folks over there really well,” said Gidley, who is now with the America First Policy Institute, a nonprofit packed with Trump administration alums.

Truax, meanwhile, brought in Swoboda for his podcast last summer. They talked about the Arizona ballot audit and briefly referenced her work with the Voter Reference Foundation.

“It always feels like to me that the states, in general, have gotten a little sloppy in different areas and just you know nobody’s really paying a lot of attention to it,” Truax said.

He added: “Now I think as conservatives we’re in a place we really got to pay a lot more attention. There’s a lot of energy now on this.”

Do You Have a Tip for ProPublica? Help Us Do Journalism.

Alexandra Berzon contributed reporting.

Update, March 7, 2022: This story was updated to reflect Texas's voter rolls, which the Voter Reference Foundation posted the day this story was published.

by Megan O’Matz

Carbon Monoxide Killed a Mother and Daughter. A Firefighter Was Reprimanded After a Delayed 911 Response.

3 years 1 month ago

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This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans. Sign up for The Brief weekly to get up to speed on their essential coverage of Texas issues.

It was also produced in partnership with NBC News.

The Houston Fire Department reprimanded a firefighter for misconduct after an investigation into a delayed 911 response to a case in which a mother and daughter died of carbon monoxide poisoning.

The department opened the investigation in July, following reporting from ProPublica, The Texas Tribune and NBC News, which revealed that first responders initially decided not to enter a Houston family’s home during the massive winter storm that hit Texas in February 2021, a decision that resulted in a couple and their two children being exposed to the lethal gas for an additional three hours.

The fire department has not disclosed details of the investigation. In a letter to the Texas attorney general fighting the release of records to the news organizations, Houston officials wrote that state law prevents the public disclosure of records dealing with misconduct of a firefighter or police officer. But the letter states that the “allegations of misconduct in this investigation were sustained and disciplinary action was taken against the firefighter.”

In an email to the news organizations, Houston Fire Chief Samuel Peña confirmed that the investigation found evidence of misconduct but declined to elaborate because of a potential appeal from the disciplined firefighter. Peña told the news organizations in August that he was awaiting the results of the investigation but that it appeared a fire captain in the dispatch center “failed to provide the necessary information for the people on scene to make the appropriate decision.”

The department’s decision to discipline a firefighter is one in a series of actions taken by governmental bodies after a yearlong investigation by the news organizations, which found failures at every level of government to protect residents of Texas and other states from carbon monoxide poisoning. Safety gaps and a lack of consistent policies have left residents vulnerable to the invisible gas. These policy failures contributed to the worst carbon monoxide poisoning catastrophe in recent history as power outages swept Texas during the winter storm, the news organizations found. The state has confirmed at least 19 deaths from carbon monoxide after residents tried to stay warm by using barbecue grills, running their cars or starting up portable generators in enclosed spaces.

Following reporting on the dangers of portable generators and the lack of federal regulations, the U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission last week announced that it intends to recommend new mandatory rules to make the generators safer, saying manufacturers have not voluntarily done enough to prevent carbon monoxide poisoning deaths caused by their products.

And in Texas, the Harris County fire marshal is drafting a proposal that would require carbon monoxide detectors in more apartments and town houses, at the request of county commissioners. Harris County leaders also said they would lobby the Legislature during its next session in 2023 for the ability to require carbon monoxide alarms in single-family homes.

The decisions came after the news organizations found that Texas was one of only six states with no statewide requirement for carbon monoxide detectors in homes, resulting in uneven protections for residents. The Texas Legislature later passed a measure that requires carbon monoxide alarms in homes built or renovated starting this year. The legislation does not apply to nearly 10 million existing homes and apartments.

Harris County, which includes Houston, was hit particularly hard by the 2021 storm. At least five people died from carbon monoxide poisoning, and more than 590 residents sought care in emergency rooms after exposure to the gas.

Shalemu Bekele, his wife, Etenesh Mersha, and their two children were among those poisoned on Feb. 15, 2021, after she turned on their car that morning in the family’s attached garage to keep warm and charge her phone. Relatives called 911 in the evening after they were contacted by a friend who had been on the phone with Mersha when she and the family stopped responding.

Firefighters were dispatched to the home but left after no one answered the door. A 911 dispatcher told Michael Negussie, Bekele’s cousin, that he would relay concerns that the family might have been poisoned by carbon monoxide to the emergency responders on the scene, but never did, according to 911 recordings and records obtained by the news organizations, as well as interviews with fire department officials.

A fire crew returned nearly three hours later after a series of increasingly worried 911 calls from Negussie, who repeatedly told dispatchers that he believed his relatives had been poisoned. The emergency responders entered through an unlocked door and found Mersha and the couple’s 7-year-old daughter, Rakaeb, dead. Bekele and their 8-year-old son, Beimnet, were rushed to the hospital, where they recovered.

Neither Negussie nor Bekele responded to requests for comment this week.

Because of a lack of uniform policies, first responders in Texas and across the country have discretion when deciding whether to enter a home. Houston fire officials have pointed to a department memo that says firefighters should ensure that they are in the right location, look for signs someone is inside, check with neighbors and contact dispatch to ask for additional information from the caller. If emergency crews decide to forcefully enter the home, they should call the police for support, according to the memo.

Officials with the city’s fire department did not respond to questions about whether they had made any policy changes following the investigation into the circumstances of Mersha and Rakaeb’s deaths.

Bill Toon, a retired EMS provider and consultant with decades of experience, said the department should assess whether additional policies are needed to prevent future incidents.

“To me, this isn’t about an individual — it’s about a systemwide practice,” Toon said. “If you’ve discovered this incident, and it probably isn’t the only one that they have, what are you going to do to prevent it from happening in the future?”

by Perla Trevizo and Lexi Churchill, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune, and Mike Hixenbaugh, NBC News

House Committee Issues Subpoena to Top Trump Fundraiser Kimberly Guilfoyle

3 years 1 month ago

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The U.S. House of Representatives select committee investigating the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol issued a subpoena on Thursday to Kimberly Guilfoyle, a top fundraiser for former President Donald Trump and the fiancee of his son, Donald Trump Jr.

The subpoena cites a text message Guilfoyle sent to former Trump campaign adviser Katrina Pierson, in which Guilfoyle claims to have raised millions of dollars for the rally that preceded the Capitol riot. The text exchange was first reported in November by ProPublica.

In the text, Guilfoyle wrote that she “raised so much money for this. Literally one of my donors Julie at 3 million.” She was referring to Julie Jenkins Fancelli, a Publix supermarket heir and the biggest known funder for the Jan. 6 rally. Fancelli previously did not respond to ProPublica requests for comment on the matter.

The subpoena, which seeks to force Guilfoyle to hand over documents and appear for a deposition, also stated that she “communicated with others” about the speaking lineup for the Jan. 6 rally and met with Trump and members of his family in the Oval Office that morning.

Guilfoyle is the first member of the Trump family circle to be subpoenaed by the select committee. Guilfoyle and Trump Jr. announced their engagement in January. She was appointed national chair of the Trump Victory finance committee in January 2020 and was put at the helm of the former president’s super PAC last fall.

The subpoena is another indication that the committee is becoming increasingly aggressive in its investigation into the Capitol attack. In documents filed in a civil case in a California district court on Wednesday, the committee said for the first time that it had evidence that could potentially lead to criminal charges against the former president for his actions leading up to the Jan. 6 attack, including obstructing an official proceeding of Congress and conspiracy to defraud the United States. The committee would refer any potential criminal charge to the Justice Department to decide whether to prosecute. Trump has denied any wrongdoing.

The step comes almost a week after Guilfoyle walked out of a meeting with the committee after initially agreeing to answer questions about the events of Jan. 6. According to a statement from her lawyer last week, Guilfoyle left the meeting because she was concerned members of the committee would leak information from the interview to the press.

In September, citing ProPublica reporting, the committee sent subpoenas to Pierson and Caroline Wren, a Republican fundraiser who served as Guilfoyle’s deputy during the 2020 campaign. The committee subsequently issued subpoenas to three close advisers to Trump Jr. and Guilfoyle.

In a statement, Joe Tacopina, Guilfoyle’s attorney, said the subpoena was a politically motivated abuse of power and that Guilfoyle will answer questions truthfully. “She has done nothing wrong,” he said. In November, Tacopina said the texts to Pierson were not about the Jan. 6 rally and threatened to “aggressively pursue all legal remedies available” against ProPublica. At the time, Pierson declined to comment and Trump Jr. did not respond to emailed questions.

ProPublica previously reported that Wren told another rally organizer that she raised $3 million for the Jan. 6 rally and “parked” the funds in several dark money organizations.

Wren previously sent a statement to ProPublica from her attorney that did not address how much money was raised for the rally or how it was spent, but stated that to her “knowledge, Kimberly Guilfoyle had no involvement in raising funds for any events on January 6th.”

Guilfoyle developed a professional relationship with Fancelli during the 2020 campaign, according to documents obtained by ProPublica, and Fancelli donated $250,000 to Trump Victory shortly after receiving a call from Guilfoyle.

by Joaquin Sapien and Joshua Kaplan

What’s Holding Up the COVID Vaccines for Children Under 5?

3 years 1 month ago

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As the United States relaxes pandemic restrictions, advising some 70% of Americans they no longer need to wear a mask, many parents of young children are desperate to know when they can expect a vaccine to be authorized for kids under 5.

But opaque communication from the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and drugmakers, on top of whiplash over the shifting timeline and unexpected delays, has led to confusion and angst. Some parents are obsessively tracking every press release, investor report and social media announcement to glean information, and a few have even lied about their kids’ ages to get their children vaccinated. Many feel they are on their own.

“I just feel like we are being left on Pandemic Island,” said Jen Wendeln, mother to a 3-year-old boy in Cincinnati. “They’ve sent rescue boats several times and then told us: ‘Never mind, none for your children. Don’t worry, we’ll come back, just keep waiting.’”

Parents have been told that vaccines for little ones are coming “soon” over and over. In September, Pfizer’s CEO Albert Bourla said that two-shot data for 2- to 4-year-olds would be available “before the end of the year,” with submission to the FDA soon after. That data turned out to contain mixed news, and timelines got pushed out as Pfizer added a third shot. Parents grew hopeful when Dr. Anthony Fauci suggested authorization could happen sometime in February, and momentum seemed to be gathering as the FDA scheduled a meeting of outside experts to review Pfizer’s data on Feb. 15 to consider authorizing two doses first while waiting for data on the third. In the latest twist, however, the FDA then delayed that meeting, saying that new information had led it to decide it was better to wait for more data.

All of this happened as first the delta variant, then omicron, sent an increasing number of children to the hospital, filling up pediatric wards. Some parents, hearing experts urge the public to get vaccinated as soon as possible to prevent catching the highly infectious variant, were frustrated not to have that option for their children. “I put my kids in car seats. I laid them on their back when they were babies so they wouldn’t suffocate,” said Dr. Amy Cho, an emergency room physician in Minnetonka, Minnesota. Knowing that vaccines are preventing deaths in kids over 5, it pains her that one isn’t available yet for her 3-year-old. “I couldn’t live with myself knowing I didn’t do everything I could to prevent that outcome,” she said.

Thousands of parents have turned to Facebook groups to share information and seek answers to their questions: Why the delay? When would the data become public? What is going on with the trials? Conspiracy theories have blossomed and rumors are rampant.

To bring some clarity to the conversation, I dug into FDA policy and asked officials at the agency, Moderna and Pfizer as well as pediatric vaccine experts the questions parents most want answered. What I learned dispels a widespread myth, adds context to the factors officials are deliberating and provides an update on timing.

Why Do Parents Want a Vaccine?

While children under 5 are much less vulnerable to the coronavirus than adults, they are not invulnerable to serious consequences. In the United States, more than 460 children under 5 have died of COVID-19, according to the CDC. They’ve been hospitalized and have died at a higher rate than kids ages 5 to 11, according to the agency. “It’s very frustrating for us, writing off kids who have died — what’s the acceptable number of child deaths for people?” asked Dr. Scott Krugman, vice chair of pediatrics at the Herman & Walter Samuelson Children's Hospital at Sinai. “If it’s preventable, it should be zero.”

A source of anxiety for many parents is that it’s hard to predict which kids may have bad outcomes. While children with asthma or other lung conditions are more likely to suffer from pneumonia if they are infected, researchers still don’t know what puts a child at higher risk of suffering from multisystem inflammatory syndrome, or MIS-C. The condition, in which many different organs including the heart, lungs, kidneys and brains become inflamed, can be serious and even deadly. Children with no preexisting conditions are often the ones who experience MIS-C, Krugman said: “They’re perfectly healthy 4- or 5 year-olds who randomly show up with cardiac enzymes through the roof and who need close monitoring and support.” Some other children also experience symptoms that last for months.

Experts have been telling parents that they can keep their little ones safe by surrounding them with people who are vaccinated, boosted and masked. But many parents point out that restrictions are easing and people are becoming more active, so the risk is actually increasing for their children. As schools drop mask mandates as well, some parents are also worried that their vaccinated older kids could bring the virus home to their unvaccinated younger siblings.

“Things are getting less safe for those of us who cannot vaccinate our family members — knowing there are even fewer people wearing masks makes everything that much more dangerous for us,” said Chris Nammour, father of a 2-year-old in Puyallup, Washington. So far, he’s chosen not to send his daughter to day care. “Our world is very small.”

What Exactly Does the FDA Consider Before Approving the Vaccine?

Many parents who want a vaccine say they don’t expect perfection: They don’t expect it to prevent infection, but want to lower the risk of the worst outcomes for their children, like hospitalizations or Long COVID. Emily Whittington is one of them. Her 4-year-old son, Jeremy, was born with a rare gene mutation that causes brain malformations and is particularly at risk of experiencing a seizure if he gets sick. Whittington lives in rural West Virginia and said that the low vaccination rate in her area has made her have to keep Jeremy out of pre-K to avoid exposure. “Can any of those doctors or advisory boards look me in the eye and say, ‘Your son is better off getting COVID without the vaccine than with some protection?’”

But the agency isn’t considering Whittington’s situation in isolation; it has a far more complicated calculus to make. “In addition to those people who are really excited about getting their kids vaccinated, there are also a lot of people out there that are like ... I really want to know that, if the FDA tells me I’m going to have to give this to my kid or I should give this to my kid, I want to know that it really works,” an FDA official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, told me. Only 1 in 4 children ages 5 to11 was fully vaccinated as of March 1, and polling has shown that about a third of parents want to “wait and see,” while another third do not plan to get their child the shot.

“The challenge we have is, if we take something forward where there’s tremendous controversy because the data are not really clear, there can be a lot of confusion in the public, and ultimately, it can be counterproductive for getting the population vaccinated,” the official said.

The FDA also considers what’s going on in real time. When cases of omicron were surging and more and more kids were being hospitalized, the agency made an unprecedented move by saying it would consider authorizing two shots of the Pfizer vaccine for kids under 5 while waiting for the rest of the efficacy data on a third shot. The thinking was that those kids could get a head start on the vaccine series before the third shot was authorized. But the plan also hung on the presumption that the third dose would do the trick. What if Pfizer’s three doses still weren’t enough? Some experts worried that it was a risky move for the agency to take.

“If it didn’t work out, the price they could pay could be a lack of confidence not just in the COVID-19 vaccinations but a spillover into other childhood vaccinations,” said Dr. Peter Hotez, a pediatrician and dean for the National School of Tropical Medicine at Baylor College of Medicine. And what if a fourth or a fifth dose was ultimately needed? asked Dr. C. Buddy Creech, professor of pediatrics and director of the Vanderbilt Vaccine Research Program. “Do side-effect profiles go up when we do that? Does it change over time if you keep hammering the immune system with the same antigen over and over again?”

Pfizer, which was gathering data in real time, reportedly found that its shots were less effective against the omicron variant. With this new information in hand, the FDA decided to delay and wait for data from all three shots to come in before considering authorization. One factor in the decision was that risk for children overall has dropped as omicron cases have fallen. “In the midst of a huge surge, the benefit/risk [calculation] could be different than when you’re now coming towards the tail of a surge,” the FDA official said. “It doesn't change our essential considerations, which are that the vaccine has to show the safety that we need ... but it is true that the efficacy that we would expect, that could be a little bit different depending on the amount of disease that was circulating at a given time, the amount of hospitalizations, etc.”

The agency has a challenging job of balancing the need for thoroughness with speed, said Dr. Paul Spearman, director of the division of infectious diseases at Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical Center. Children are not just little adults — their immune systems are different — so you can’t just scale down the existing vaccine proportionally and presume it’ll be both safe and effective. It’s not unusual for children’s vaccine trials to take longer than adults’ because of additional steps needed to find the correct dosage for different age groups, Spearman said. “There’s more care taken about safety and finding a precise dose, and more scrutiny, because it's a vulnerable population.”

Ian Stone, parent of a 4-year-old in San Diego, said he’s willing to wait for a vaccine. “I want it to be safe. I want it to be effective. I don’t want it to be pushed forward because we have to have something,” he said. But Stone, who works in public relations, said he thinks the unexpected delay “may cause more harm than good. It’ll make people question and scrutinize it that much more. If it wasn’t ready, I wish they hadn’t gotten hopes up because you’ve drawn unwanted attention.”

Is “Age De-escalation” a Real FDA Vaccine Policy?

Misinformation has further confused parents, causing unnecessary concern that vaccines will be further delayed.

In December, Pfizer said that two shots were found to be safe for all kids under 5, but while children under 2 generated antibody levels similar to what has been seen in 16- to 25-year-olds, the 2- to 4-year-olds did not hit the same bar for effectiveness. In response to the results, the drugmaker said it would start testing a three-shot regimen to see if that could increase the level of protection.

For parents of children under 2, the obvious question was: Why not authorize the shot for the babies first?

It was surprisingly hard to get a clear answer to this question. A myth sprung up and circulated around the internet, printed in traditional media and repeated by doctors, that the FDA had a policy that prohibited it from authorizing vaccines for age groups out of order. It was referred to as an “age de-escalation policy.”

Age de-escalation describes how some clinical trials are run, including the COVID-19 vaccine trials. Adults are enrolled first, and once the vaccines are proven safe and effective, then the trial extends to younger and younger age groups. This is important for a number of reasons including safety — adults and teens are better able to articulate side effects they may be experiencing, so if a side effect is identified as related to the vaccine, researchers can look out for that symptom in younger kids who may not be as articulate; a fussing baby, as every parent knows, can be difficult to interpret.

But when it comes to authorizing vaccines, that doesn’t apply. “There’s no such policy, and we would have been happy to skip an age group,” the FDA official told me.

I also asked Pfizer why, then, it hadn’t sought authorization for kids under 2 first. The oblique answer I got from a spokeswoman was: “We’re continuing to study a third dose in this population.” I asked for more information and was told, “If successful, we will pursue a three-dose series based on the ongoing late stage study.”

So Pfizer is pursuing a three-dose series for all kids under 5. But why do that, if two doses had worked for the younger age group?

The FDA is tightly limited by regulation and cannot publicly discuss trial data before approval outside of specific circumstances, such as an advisory committee. That has accounted for much of the agency’s reticence. The official could only tell me, enigmatically, that “eventually it will become clear that there was not a way to skip an age group here.” Perhaps something in Pfizer’s data in infants made the drugmaker or FDA determine it wasn’t sufficient for authorization, but until data becomes public, it is impossible to know.

As for Moderna, authorization of its vaccine for 12- to 17-year-olds has been held up in the U.S. because of concerns that it could cause myocarditis, inflammation of the heart muscle. Moderna is now testing a smaller dose for adolescents and 6- to 11-year-olds, but in the meantime, the company has said that it expects data from its trial of kids under 5 in March.

Parents, again confused by the supposed age de-escalation policy, have speculated that Moderna could not ask the FDA for authorization for the youngest kids before the teens had access to the vaccine.

Not so, a Moderna spokesperson told me: “Once the data are available in this age group, Moderna will review the data and decide whether to file for Emergency Use Authorization independent of whether other EUA submissions currently under review have already been approved.”

What’s Next for Vaccines for Small Children?

Here’s the good news: Two companies could have data on vaccines in kids under 5 in a matter of weeks. Pfizer has said it’ll have data on three doses “in spring” and Moderna has said it’ll have data by the end of March. If the data looks good, there’s nothing to stop the FDA from authorizing a vaccine for kids of a certain age group, even if an older cohort misses the mark or hasn’t yet gotten the green light. Creech, who is also a principal investigator for Moderna’s pediatric vaccine trials, and Spearman both told me they expect authorization by April or, in a worst-case scenario, May.

The bad news is that this far into the pandemic, communication is still floundering in the face of a public that is increasingly distrustful of scientists and federal health agencies.

It’s true that the FDA is legally limited in discussing data particulars and manufacturers are traditionally secretive about ongoing trials. But nobody has acknowledged that the legal and conventional restrictions mean that answers to basic questions like, “Why was this review delayed?” tend to result in impenetrable answers like, “We realize now in data that came in very rapidly because of the large number of cases of omicron that at this time it makes sense for us to wait until we have the data from the evaluation of a third dose.” None of this helps the public understand the scientific process.

What is apparent is that while many parents would like to see more data, what they want even more is to be reassured that their kids’ health is a priority.

“They’ve never spoken to parents of underage kids to say: ‘We’re sorry this is so hard. It grieves us too that it’s been so complicated,’” said Jennifer Martin, a parent of three in Seattle. “There’s a lack of urgency,” said Samirah Swaleh, parent to a 9-month-old boy in the Los Angeles area. “They just don’t seem to care about babies and toddlers?!” wrote Wendeln, the mother in Cincinnati. Cho, the emergency room physician, longs for a clearer timeline. “If you’re running a marathon and you know there’s an end, people can do amazing things. But it’s really, really hard when you don’t know if there’s an end in sight.”

I brought these sentiments to the FDA official I spoke to. The response hit many of the notes the parents said they wanted. I wish it could have come earlier, more often and been on the record, but I hope it provides some parents a bit of reassurance that they’ve been heard.

“We are going to work as expeditiously as possible,” the official said. “What does that mean? In general — though I can’t promise anything — you’ve seen that after an EUA [application] in this area, we generally are trying to take action in two to four weeks.”

The official emphasized: “We’re not going to be sitting on anything here.”

“I would want parents to know that we understand their concerns. We’re parents too,” the official added. “We are going to move as fast as we can once we have the data in our hands.”

by Caroline Chen

These Native Hawaiians Waited Years for Homes on Their Ancestral Land. Then the Problems Began.

3 years 1 month ago

This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the Honolulu Star-Advertiser. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

When Steven Moniz Jr. and his wife, Sheri, got the keys to their new home in 2013, their kids were so happy that they made “snow angels” on the carpet. It was the first time the couple had ever owned property, and they too were overjoyed.

For years, they had rented an apartment in a low-income housing project on Oahu, unable to afford a house amid the island’s booming real estate market. But then, because Steven is Native Hawaiian, they were able to purchase a new residence at roughly half the going rate through a unique homesteading program created a century ago to return Hawaii’s Indigenous people to their ancestral lands.

With the help of a federal grant, the Moniz family bought a three-bedroom house for $281,000 in a West Oahu subdivision built specifically for the program. The couple cried at their good fortune, knowing that thousands of other Hawaiians are still waiting for such an opportunity. “For us, it was like tears of joy,” Sheri said.

The elation didn’t last long.

Within months of moving in, she said, the wall near a window frame in the master bedroom started to swell and mold began growing as water seeped through the frame. Their central air conditioning stopped working. And, when a family member climbed into the attic to inspect the AC system, he discovered that one of the main wood beams supporting the roof was cracked in half.

“How could they have missed that?” Moniz asked.

Dozens of other Native Hawaiian homeowners have found themselves asking similar questions, alleging problems with their new homes, according to a Honolulu Star-Advertiser-ProPublica survey of nearly 80 residents.

The state Department of Hawaiian Home Lands, which administers the homesteading program, has the right to inspect new construction under its contracts with builders. But DHHL never inspected the Monizes’ new home or the hundreds like it that cropped up over roughly the past decade in their subdivision and another one nearby. Instead, the agency relied on the developer it hired to inspect the properties and vouch for the quality of the work.

Sheri and Steven Moniz Jr. stand in the cul-de-sac in front of their home. (Cindy Ellen Russell/Honolulu Star-Advertiser)

DHHL is a unique entity: It exists to manage a trust that returns people who are at least 50% Native Hawaiian to their ancestral land, recompense for the government’s history of taking property. And the agency says that inspections conducted by the builder and the city are sufficient to protect the buyers’ interests.

But legal scholars and former DHHL officials disagree with the state agency’s view. They say that as a trustee, DHHL has a heightened legal duty to act in the best interests of Steven Moniz and the thousands of other beneficiaries eligible for homesteads. And by forgoing inspections, they say, the agency is shirking that responsibility, leaving no one who represents only the buyers, some of whom waited decades for homesteads.

“Inviting beneficiaries to put their life savings into homes that the department has never bothered to inspect is not a close question,” said attorney Carl Varady, who along with a colleague has successfully sued the state and DHHL for breach of trust in a separate matter. DHHL “can’t delegate that.”

Moreover, the department has no system in place for tracking complaints once beneficiaries move into their new residences. Instead, DHHL directs homeowners to the private developers who built the homes.

Given questions about the department’s responsibilities to Hawaiians and its approach to construction oversight, the Star-Advertiser and ProPublica undertook to find out how satisfied beneficiary homeowners were. The news organizations canvassed the two most recent homesteading subdivisions in Kapolei, a region of former sugar cane land where much of Oahu’s single-family housing has been built the past several decades. Gentry Kapolei Development began building in one subdivision in 2009, the other in 2018.

Through our survey, we found dozens of homeowners claiming multiple problems with their residences, including some that started within days or months of moving in. Many residents criticized DHHL’s lack of oversight, and some sought help from the agency but were turned away. And while the builder, Gentry, ultimately fixed many of the problems, some homeowners said they ended up spending hundreds or thousands of dollars on repairs not covered by warranties.

“I’ve been running across problem after problem since we’ve been in this house,” said Peter Kamealoha, who described a range of issues in his 2010 Kanehili home, including a cracked air-conditioning duct and cracks in the ceiling. “A brand-new home shouldn’t have problems like this.”

Gentry, which has built more than 14,000 homes in Hawaii over half a century, says it takes pride in delivering quality homes to Native Hawaiians and would not jeopardize its reputation for the sake of small, short-term gains. “It’s an honor to build these homes,” said Gentry President Quentin Machida. A spokesperson also said the company is responsive to homeowner complaints and has performed many “courtesy” repairs beyond the warranty periods, including for Moniz and Kamealoha.

The homeowner experiences are adding to many beneficiaries’ frustration with DHHL’s management of the program. As the Star-Advertiser and ProPublica previously reported, the historically underfunded agency has consistently failed to meet its main mission of getting Hawaiians onto trust-held land on a timely basis. Now, the news organizations have found that the agency, in the eyes of many beneficiaries, is failing even some who get housing.

“They’re telling beneficiaries F you,” said Mike Kahikina, a trust beneficiary and former member of the Hawaiian Homes Commission that oversees DHHL. “We’re treated as fourth-class citizens.”

The Monizes said they found one of the main wood beams in their attic had cracked in half. After the homeowner complained, Gentry said it attached splints on either side to reinforce the beam. (Cindy Ellen Russell/Honolulu Star-Advertiser)

The newsrooms’ investigation comes as the Legislature considers whether to appropriate a record $600 million to help DHHL address the needs of the thousands of Hawaiians waiting for homesteads, particularly those who cannot afford to purchase their own homes. The proposal was sparked in part by the news organizations’ coverage, including the revelation that at least 2,000 beneficiaries have died while waiting.

“The Beneficiaries Deserve More”

Under the homesteading program, Hawaiian beneficiaries apply for a 99-year land lease from DHHL. Upon award, they then take one of two primary routes to housing: hiring a contractor to construct a home on the parcel, or buying a completed home from a developer hired by the department. The latter is by far the most common option.

Home inspections emerged as a major issue in the mid-1990s after a number of legal settlements with beneficiaries who sued DHHL over allegations of shoddy construction.

In one case, the agency paid out $1.5 million to settle claims involving a 50-home development in Panaewa, located on the Big Island’s eastern shoreline. Homeowners alleged they were given substandard septic tanks, defective concrete foundations and keys that opened multiple houses.

Following the settlements, DHHL said in 1996 it would step up oversight, beginning twice-weekly inspections of construction projects. Then-Director Kali Watson told reporters that the measure was designed to prevent another Panaewa. Today, Watson, who heads a nonprofit developer of affordable housing, still believes DHHL should handle inspections. “They do need people with a lot more expertise to actually monitor construction and make sure it’s done well,” he said in an interview.

In the intervening decades, the agency spent more than $200 million on Kapolei projects, including an unprecedented effort to develop four subdivisions totaling more than 1,000 homes.

Sometimes DHHL served directly as the developer for new units, and in those cases it did continue the inspection system. But other times, like in the two most recently built subdivisions, Kanehili and Kauluokahai, it hired a private developer who was also responsible for the inspections.

Still, the development contracts DHHL signed with Gentry in 2008 and 2018 included a provision giving the agency the right to inspect the homes during construction. The provision was standard in DHHL’s development agreements.

But given the layer of inspections already in place, including those done by the builder and city, DHHL decided not to exercise that right. Doing so “would take additional resources, depriving or reducing service to the other class of beneficiaries, those on the waitlist,” said William J. Aila Jr., the department’s director and chair of the commission that oversees it. DHHL could not say how much it saved by forgoing inspections. Aila also said Gentry had done excellent work in the two subdivisions.

Attorneys versed in trust law, however, say DHHL is obligated to do inspections as part of its legal duty as trustee.

The Kauluokahai subdivision where Gentry has built more than 125 homes (Cindy Ellen Russell/Honolulu Star-Advertiser)

“With respect to the duty of loyalty owed to the beneficiaries, the beneficiaries deserve more,” said Susan Gary, a retired University of Oregon law professor with expertise in trust law. “And I think that’s where the problem is. That’s not something you can delegate.”

David Kauila Kopper, litigation director of the Native Hawaiian Legal Corp., said courts have required the state to protect beneficiary interests in other matters related to trust duties. In 2000, for example, the Hawaii Supreme Court ruled that the state could not delegate to a developer the state’s trust responsibility to determine whether a planned Big Island project protected the customary and traditional rights of Native Hawaiians to access the property for cultural practices. And in 2019, the high court determined that the state breached its trust duty to care for public lands by failing to conduct regular inspections of Hawaii Island property that the military was leasing for live-fire training exercises. In nearly 50 years, the state had only inspected the land a few times. “It all stems from the same trustee obligation,” Kopper said.

When it comes to DHHL and homestead construction, “an argument could be made that by relying on Gentry or the city and putting your hands up and saying, ‘Well, that’s good enough,’ you’re delegating the duty to further the best interests of your beneficiaries to entities that perhaps don’t have that in mind — and that’s not their job,” Kopper added.

DHHL counters that it only has a constitutional obligation to provide beneficiaries with a buildable vacant lot, not a home. Therefore, officials say, the department has no duty to check the houses themselves. Beneficiaries, the agency noted, purchase homes directly from the builder, who must comply with government code under its development agreement with DHHL.

For the two Kapolei subdivisions, Gentry used in-house and third-party inspectors. The company said the level of monitoring, including daily checks by Gentry superintendents, was thorough and matched what is done at its private developments. Additionally, the buyer is able to walk through the home after it’s completed to do a final check.

John Merriman, vice president of Mid Pac Engineering, one of the outside companies used by Gentry, said, “There are multiple people out there who want the quality to be high enough that those homeowners don’t have issues.”

Regarding the Moniz case, Gentry said that if the support beam had been cracked before the home was sold, the problem would have been caught during the inspection process. The company told the Star-Advertiser and ProPublica that it reinforced the beam after the homeowner complained.

“They Did Do a Bum Job”

DHHL says it has no jurisdiction over homeowners’ construction-defect claims because the transaction is between the buyer and the builder, so the department typically doesn’t investigate or track such complaints. Gentry, however, conducts regular surveys of its customers and said the overall feedback from their DHHL projects has been positive.

For our own survey, the Star-Advertiser and ProPublica reached out to the occupants of the roughly 500 developer-built homes in the two newest homestead communities in Kapolei. Over the course of several months, the news organizations sent mailers and emails, made phone calls, knocked on over 100 doors, advertised on social media, spoke at a homeowner meeting and published a questionnaire on the websites for both media outlets. Seventy-eight people responded, including 53 who reported two or more problems or concerns with their residences. The majority of those raising multiple issues were from Kanehili, the older of the two subdivisions. The issues ranged from simply cosmetic — hairline cracks in the ceiling, for instance — to more serious, such as mold growing inside the home or flooring damaged by sewage backups.

Gentry provides a warranty that covers the cost of parts and labor for all repairs during the first year, as well as similar coverage for electrical and plumbing issues for another year. And some manufacturer warranties for specific items extend beyond that, though the length of the guarantees vary and they typically cover parts only.

In an interview, Aila, the head of DHHL, stressed that homeowners have the responsibility to properly maintain their residences. If they don’t do so and the warranties expire, “three or four years later, they can’t come back and make accusations that there’s poor quality because the faucet is leaking and now the cabinet is rotten,” he said.

Dozens of respondents, however, told the news organizations that their problems emerged within about a year of moving in. And many said they were surprised when they had to spend hundreds or thousands of dollars on repairs not covered by warranties in the first few years. DHHL declined to comment on the cases, except to say the house is the responsibility of the homeowner.

One respondent who reported issues was Marlena Brown-Clemente, who said her AC unit stopped working just over a year after moving in. When she called DHHL to complain, she said the agency directed her to Gentry. The company told her the problem was her responsibility, she said, so she ultimately paid about $1,000 to fix it. Still, problems persisted. That was not what Brown-Clemente expected when, in 2016, she inherited her late father’s rights to pick a lot in Kauluokahai, which at the time had no homes. Two years later, she and her husband purchased a four-bedroom, three-bath house there for about $360,000. As luck would have it, the home model was called The Lena, the nickname Brown-Clemente’s father used for her. “I looked at my husband and cried,” she said in an interview. “I said, ‘Whatever you do, you have to get me that house.’”

Marlena Brown-Clemente holds a portrait of her father, Arthur Brown Sr., who died in 2016. (Cindy Ellen Russell/Honolulu Star-Advertiser)

Gentry said it had no records of calls about air conditioning from Brown-Clemente, and that the system performs well if regular maintenance is done. Brown-Clemente, 49, a full-time volunteer for her church, said the couple hires a company to service the system every six months, like Gentry recommends. “I came into this thinking I’m just lucky to have it, so I didn’t complain too much,” she told the Star-Advertiser and ProPublica. “But now I’m looking back: Yeah, they did do a bum job on my house.”

Air conditioning, which is all but essential in Kapolei during the humid summers, was the most commonly cited problem in the Star-Advertiser/ProPublica survey, mentioned by nearly 40 respondents.

Plumbing was another top concern, flagged by more than two dozen.

Kealii Cabrera, a construction supervisor who bought his new $390,000 Kanehili home in 2020, said his problems started almost immediately. A week after moving in, he said, sewage started backing up through a downstairs shower drain, flooding part of the first floor. Cabrera said he had to relocate his family to a hotel for a month while repairs were made to the flooring and walls.

He said he complained to DHHL multiple times. At first, the department referred him to Gentry, which initially refused to take responsibility for the damage. When conversations with the builder stalled, Cabrera said he went back to DHHL, which told him the department couldn’t get involved. He said he asked the department whether it had a quality control system, and it responded no. “That’s the root of the problem,” Cabrera said.

In response to written questions from the news organizations, a Gentry spokesperson said the company ultimately paid Cabrera over $50,000 to cover cleanup, temporary housing and other costs, after reviewing his request and the circumstances around the incident. The spokesperson described the temporary housing payment as “a very rare occurrence.”

In the Moniz case, Gentry said it performed many “courtesy” repairs beyond the warranty periods, including paying for refrigerator and AC fixes in 2017 and 2018, in addition to reinforcing the beam.

Some respondents to the news organizations’ survey lauded Gentry for its customer service and quality of work. About 18 reported no or only minor problems, including nearly a dozen who said they were very happy with their homes. “It’s like the promised land for us,” John Gora said of the Kauluokahai house he and his wife, Melissa-Ann Gora, purchased last summer after she spent nearly 40 years on the waitlist.

No Forum for Help

If homeowners are unable to resolve disputes over alleged defects with the builder, they usually can’t expect help from DHHL. The agency provides no forum for owners to pursue such claims — even when DHHL served as the developer and oversaw inspections.

Timothy McBrayer and Iwalani Laybon-McBrayer learned that firsthand.

For more than a decade, the couple has unsuccessfully sought DHHL’s help to resolve alleged construction defects that they say have been present almost from the time they moved into their new home in 2007. Shioi Construction, which built the home, disputed their claims and noted that the city and a DHHL special inspector had checked the dwelling.

The couple live in Kaupea, a Kapolei subdivision that was constructed just before Kanehili and for which DHHL served as the developer. The department hired Shioi to build homes and a project manager to monitor the work.

The carpet in one of Iwalani Laybon-McBrayer’s bedrooms was removed after a water leak caused mold to grow, she said. (Cindy Ellen Russell/Honolulu Star-Advertiser) Laybon-McBrayer said one of the home’s outdoor outlets caught fire in 2018. (Cindy Ellen Russell/Honolulu Star-Advertiser)

In the first year or two, the McBrayers said they experienced plumbing, mold and electrical problems that they reported to Shioi and DHHL. The problems largely continue to this day. The couple can no longer get homeowner’s insurance.

The McBrayers kept a log showing they sought assistance from 25 different DHHL representatives since 2007, and they said they received multiple assurances that the agency would deal with the situation.

Eric Seitz, their attorney, told DHHL in August that the couple relied on those promises. And DHHL, which supervised the builder, owed the McBrayers a fiduciary duty that went well beyond a normal home transaction, Seitz said. “The department is there to provide a service to Hawaiians, to help them, not merely to sell them a house and say, ‘You’re on your own,’” he said in an interview. “When complaints are brought to them, they have a much deeper and overriding responsibility to help.”

But when the McBrayers tried to take their case to the commission, their request was denied because DHHL lacked jurisdiction, a position the agency took repeatedly with the couple, its records show.

One of Laybon-McBrayer’s upstairs bathrooms. She says the tub and shower cannot be used because of plumbing leaks. (Cindy Ellen Russell/Honolulu Star-Advertiser)

Still, some commissioners have raised concerns. At a February 2019 meeting, one questioned why the McBrayer problems have taken so long to resolve. Another, Zachary Helm, cited the case to highlight the need for greater oversight of construction. As contractors build more homes, “we can do a little better job in monitoring the work these people do,” said Helm, who recently declined additional comment.

DHHL also declined to comment.

“The Wild, Wild West”

Some beneficiary families remain skeptical of DHHL’s ability to remedy their concerns. Kepa Maly, one of the original homeowners in the Panaewa development plagued by problems, recently sold the house he and his wife shared for 30 years. “Our children didn’t want anything to do with it,” Maly wrote in an email. “And given the choice, I doubt we would ever live in a DHHL-developed project again. They’ve demonstrated incompetence and a lack of common decency throughout their history.”

Former Gov. John Waihee, the only Native Hawaiian to serve as the state’s top executive, said the solution is simple: DHHL should hire an inspector or two. The costs, he said, would be negligible.

But Robin Danner, who heads the largest beneficiary organization in Hawaii, says that after decades of state mismanagement, something more is needed: greater federal oversight. That could come in two forms. One, the U.S. government could sue the state for breach of trust, a step it has never taken. Or two, it could further specify how DHHL implements the Hawaiian Homes Commission Act, the federal law that created the program a century ago. As written now, the law is vague about a range of issues, including quality control.

In fact, the homesteading program, which was taken over by the state as a condition of statehood, ran for more than 90 years without a single federal regulation in place.

A 2013 White House discussion where Robin Danner, far right, who leads a group for homestead beneficiaries, said she asked if the Obama administration could start developing federal regulations for the homesteading program. (Courtesy of the White House)

At the request of Danner’s group, the Sovereign Council of Hawaiian Homestead Associations, the Obama administration in 2016 adopted the first two federal regulations in the program’s history. But neither dealt with housing; one established procedures for land exchanges and the other a process for amending the 1921 law. No more have been adopted since, continuing to leave large sections of the law open to interpretation. And that has enabled DHHL to undermine its fiduciary obligation to beneficiaries, according to Danner, who says the federal government should adopt a rule requiring DHHL to perform inspections.

“When federal regulations are silent, that’s when you get the wild, Wild west,” Danner said.

She and other Native Hawaiians are now looking to President Joe Biden, who has vowed to fulfill “Federal trust and treaty responsibilities” to Indigenous people and appointed Deb Haaland to lead the Interior Department, which oversees the Native Hawaiian land trust. As the first Native American to lead the department, Haaland has pledged to champion Indigenous issues.

But it’s unclear what, if any, action will come from Washington.

Haaland’s office has not made her available for an interview, despite several requests since June. But an Interior spokesperson issued a statement in response to questions from the Star-Advertiser and ProPublica. “Both the state and the federal government have roles in administering the laws governing the Hawaiian Home Lands trust,” he said. “However, the day-to-day administration of the trust and the governance of home inspections are the responsibility of the state.”

The news organizations also reached out to Hawaii’s four members of Congress, but three of them declined comment or did not respond. Sen. Mazie Hirono issued a statement. “DHHL has an important obligation to provide access to affordable, safe housing for Hawaii’s Native Hawaiian community,” she said. “I remain committed to supporting the Native Hawaiian community and working to ensure that both the state of Hawaii and the federal government meet their obligations under the Hawaiian Homes Commission Act.”

Hirono did not address the question of greater federal oversight.

Laybon-McBrayer, who is president of the Kaupea Homestead Association, said the situation leaves families like hers to go it alone. “I just say, ‘Lord, keep us safe,’” she said. “I gotta trust in a higher power rather than a broken system.”

Beena Raghavendran and Agnel Philip of ProPublica contributed reporting. Kacie Yamamoto of the Honolulu Star-Advertiser contributed research.

by Rob Perez, Honolulu Star-Advertiser